Feeds:
Posts
Comments

One of the greatest allegories of the Christian life is Pilgrim’s Progress. In it, John Bunyan deals with nearly every aspect of Christianity, including assurance of salvation. In fact, Bunyan ends his book in a most unusual fashion with the story of one named Ignorance.

Ignorance had met Christian and Hopeful earlier in the story. There they tried to converse with him about the nature of true faith and the need to examine himself honestly. But Ignorance would not listen to them. After Christian and Hopeful receive a grand entrance to the Celestial City, Bunyan turns the reader’s attention back to the character of Ignorance. Rather than crossing the River of Death as do the others, Ignorance finds a ferry-man named Vain-Hope to take him across the River. When he reaches the gate of the city, he expects to be granted entrance, but he is denied. In fact, the King commands two shining ones to bind him hand and foot, carry him to a door in the side of the hill, and put him in it. Then Bunyan ends with the most solemn of warnings: “Then I saw that there was a Way to Hell, even from the Gates of Heaven….”

Assurance of eternal life is important. Jesus reminded His disciples that on the last day, “many will say unto me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ but I will say to them, ‘I never knew you. Depart from me, ye workers of iniquity.’” Obviously many will experience the same surprise that Ignorance received when he discovered “that there was a Way to Hell, even from the Gates of Heaven.”

In Puritan theology, the doctrine of assurance was of vital importance.[1] “Of all doctrines preached by the Puritans, their instructions concerning the assurance of salvation may have prompted the greatest joy as well as the greatest misunderstanding.”[2] The Puritans believed that God had provided a certain revelation of Himself in the Scriptures and that revelation provided the means sufficient for one to know the certainty of his eternal destination. While one might think that the Puritan doctrine of election would lead to a carefree attitude toward good deeds, in Puritan theology, it often led to the opposite. The diligence with which the Puritans encouraged their listeners to make sure their calling and election, especially through the doing of good works, has often led many to wrongly conclude that the Puritans taught a salvation by works.

Indeed, many of these same accusations have been leveled against those, like John MacArthur, Jr., who have sought to return to a more biblical understanding of salvation and assurance.[3] In fact, D. A. Carson even frames the current “Lordship Controversy” in terms of a battle over the issue of assurance. He suggests that one of the primary concerns of Zane “Hodges and his colleagues is to make Christian assurance absolutely certain. To accomplish this, they tie assurance exclusively to saving faith, and divorce it from any support in a transformed life.”[4]

Jonathan Edwards, the Puritans, and those representing the “Lordship” camp have been certainly been misunderstood on the doctrine of assurance. However, rightly understood, the Puritan view of assurance would benefit believers today by giving them a more firm foundation upon which to base their assurance.

In their teaching on assurance, Edwards and the Puritans had two major concerns. First, their teaching on assurance was concerned with warning their listeners about the delusion of a false faith. In other words, their first task was not to give assurance to their hearers, but to cause them to honestly examine themselves to see if true faith was their experience. As an old spiritual says, “Everybody talkin’ bout heaven ain’t goin’ there.” In fact, a recent survey discovered that 99% of Americans believe that they are going to heaven!

This is because the Puritans understood what many evangelicals today ignore: that many who profess Christ have no real evidence of true faith in Christ. Thus, many of their sermons and writings were designed to awaken the unconverted parishioners within their churches. Their goal was basically two-fold: “to overthrow the confidence of the ‘legalist’ who based his assurance on his own good works and to demonstrate to the ‘professor’ how inadequate was his assurance which relied only on doctrine.”[5] They did this by encouraging professors to examine their lives to see if the fruits or evidences of salvation were present in them.[6] To the Puritan, a faith that did not manifest itself actively in life was no true faith but deception and death.[7] Thus, through many sermons and writings, they sought to call professors within the church to an honest examination of their faith.

Second, their preaching on assurance was concerned with helping listeners discover the genuineness of their faith. Their goal was not to shake up the faith of true believers, but rather to give true believers some biblical grounds for having assurance. They understood what modern evangelicals ignore: that some who are true believers lack assurance. Many of these lack assurance because they have never been properly taught about nature of biblical assurance. Others lack assurance because they have been taught to rely upon subjective feelings that are constantly changing and shifting. Most lack assurance because they have been taught that it is dangerous to examine their faith, when the Scriptures plainly tell us the opposite.

The Puritans helped their listeners to a greater assurance because they taught that the best evidence of a saving faith was found in the works of believers. Since true believers had the Spirit of God in them, they reasoned that there ought to be some evidence of His holiness in them also. However, they did not teach that a person’s works added anything to salvation itself. That was purchased and secured solely by work of Christ on their behalf. In fact, many of the Puritans warned against reliance on works as a reason for salvation and even encouraged believers to find assurance and the desire to do good deeds from their meditation on who Christ is and what He had done for them. Indeed, many of their writings and sermons sought to provide healing to “those who, in their pursuit of assurance, had fallen into a legalistic obedience.”[8] According to J. I. Packer, “A study of Puritan sermons will show that the preachers’ constant concern, in all their detailed detecting of sins, was to lead their hearers into the life of faith and a good conscience; which, they said, is the most joyous life that man can know in this world.”[9] The Puritans preached often about the doctrine of assurance because they were especially concerned that their listeners might be able to discern the differences between a true and a false faith and have confidence that theirs was a true and saving faith.

Edwards and Modern Evangelicals on Assurance

As we place the Doctrine of Assurance under the microscope of Jonathan Edwards, a few essential differences between Edwards and modern evangelicals on the theology of assurance emerge.

First, Edwards and the Puritans were careful to distinguish between salvation and assurance. They distinguished between the nature of saving faith, which was grounded in Christ’s work alone, and the nature of assurance, which could be discovered by examining the evidence of the Spirit’s work in one’s life.

To them, the ground of assurance was not a person’s faith, but the work of Christ. This may seem like a minor distinction, but to Edwards and the Puritans, it was major. While modern evangelicals place the emphasis upon believing as the basis for assurance, the Puritans placed the emphasis upon discerning whether one had truly believed. They were not adding anything to the finished work of Christ. Their question was not: Was faith in Christ alone sufficient for salvation? Their question was: Do I have that kind of faith?

They believed that salvation came to individuals, not because of what the person had done (i.e., believing) but upon what the Spirit had done in regeneration. They concluded that, if the Holy Spirit had truly regenerated a person, then there ought to be some evidence of the Spirit’s working in that person’s life.

This distinction is most evident especially in Edwards’s reply to the questions raised by a series of letters from Thomas Gillespie of Scotland. Gillespie had suggested that Edwards was dangerously close to leading his readers into doubt rather than into faith by his emphasis on the need to examine one’s faith for evidences of salvation. He replied, “I don’t take faith, and a person’s believing that they have faith, to be the same thing. Nor do I take unbelief, or being without faith and doubting whether they have it, to be the same thing, but entirely different.” In other words, a person may think they have faith and yet not be saved; while another may struggle with assurance and truly be saved. Modern evangelicals, like Mr. Gillespie, tend to confuse the doctrine of salvation which depends on God’s grace alone with the doctrine of assurance which depends on the evidence of the Spirit’s life within the believer. Jonathan Edwards’s careful distinction between salvation and assurance did not allow professors to rest in their profession if it had no works to confirm it.

Second, Edwards and the Puritans viewed the Christian life as a life of faith, not an instance of faith. Because modern evangelicals conceive of faith as “only a static decision of one instant,” there is a tendency to ignore any proper place for continuing obedience in the evangelical experience.[10] The Puritan view of faith differs. They considered faith as a journey or as a pilgrimage through which one could discover the direction of their life. A life of obedience confirmed to the believer that he was indeed on the narrow road that leads to life.

However, the Puritans did not deny the immediacy of salvation, as they are often accused. They believed that when a person was saved, he was saved immediately and forever. But faith, true faith, was not evidenced by any one decision but rather by a manner of life that indicated that the person was truly regenerated. Conversely, modern evangelicals put so much confidence in the immediacy of faith that they are quick to assure new believers of their salvation, not on the basis of any evidence in them, but solely on the basis of their making some one-time decision, whether it is praying a prayer or “walking the aisle.” Such ideas were considered “antinominian” by the Puritans. They believed that such an approach to assurance not only led to a life of sin, but also led many into an eternally damning deception.

This was certainly true in the theology of Jonathan Edwards. He clearly taught that salvation was by faith alone. But in an unpublished sermon on Galatians 5:6, Edwards clarifies this: “For tho’ it is only faith [that] justifies yet there is no faith that justifies but a working faith.”[11] Likewise, in his sermon on “Of the Perseverance of the Saints,” he makes it clear that justification by faith in the Scriptures was always a persevering faith.[12] The great question, according to Edwards, was not whether faith alone justified, but whether a person had a justifying faith. That could only be seen through the evidences of a person’s life. Thus, many of the Edwards’s sermons included explaining the Christian life as a pilgrimage or journey in which the person discovers whether he is truly on the road to life or not.[13] This is the same view of assurance was taught by other Puritans such as Richard Baxter who noted: “You may believe immediately …, but getting assurance of it may be the work of a great part of your life.”[14]

Edwards was also highly critical of an attitude that was gaining acceptance in revivalist America, which has gained predominance in modern evangelicalism: that a person can be given assurance based upon passages in the Bible. For example, some modern evangelists provide assurance immediately to professors by asking them to read a passage such as John 6:47: “Whoever believes in me has eternal life.” Then they ask the professor, “Have you believed?” If they answer, “yes,” then they are asked, “Then what do you have?” “Eternal life” is usually the reply. “Then never doubt it,” the inquirer is told. Even in his day, Edwards was especially concerned that some misused the word of God in trying to give assurance to new believers: “There is such a testimony given us in the word of God that he that believes shall be saved: But there is no such testimony in the word of God, that such an individual person, in such a town in Scotland or New England, believes.”[15]

Third, Edwards and the Puritans would differ greatly with modern evangelicals about the role of doubt in assurance. For modern evangelicals, doubt and assurance cannot go together. Modern believers are taught “never doubt your salvation” because they often equate salvation and assurance. The Puritans maintained a distinction between salvation and assurance. Some of them spoke of salvation as the root and assurance as the flower. It was the root which gave the plant life; it was the flower which gave it its beauty. A plant might live without its flower, but it cannot live without its root.

This distinction even led them to develop a theology of doubt as a means of moving toward assurance. Indeed, doubt in the believer’s life might serve as a blessing because it would cause the believer to move out of spiritual lethargy into action in order that his assurance might be established. Periods of doubt were not a problem for the Puritans as it is for evangelicals today. To the Puritans, a weak faith was still faith nonetheless. According to Thomas Brooks: “he that cannot find in himself the evidences of a strong faith, must not conclude that he has no faith; for he may have in him the evidence of a weak faith when he has not the evidences of a strong faith in him.”[16] Therefore many of sermons of the Puritans dealt with such practical topics as hindrances to assurance, difficulties in assurance, and steps to having assurance.

Beginning in November of 1746, Thomas Gillespie of Scotland carried on a series of correspondences with Jonathan Edwards over his concerns with what Edwards had written in his Treatise on Religious Affections. Gillespie was especially concerned that Edwards had placed too much emphasis upon works as evidence of salvation to the extent that believing had been minimized. Indeed he had even questioned the wisdom of a believer ever doubting his salvation: “It merits consideration whether the believer should ever doubt his state, on any account whatever, because doubting, as opposed to believing, is absolutely sinful.” Edwards’s reply was that “faith was greater than any one’s subjective feelings; and that faith precedes assurance, survives its lapses, and invites man to struggle for his assurance.” [17] That statement is, in itself, very instructive. Edwards notes that faith preceded assurance so that it could not be the same thing as assurance. Additionally, he recognized that true faith survives even though it has “its lapses.” Most importantly, he affirmed that it was faith that gives the believer the desire to continue the struggle for a more complete assurance. Such a view of assurance provides hope rather than discouragement to the struggling believer.

Indeed, for Edwards, each doubt that arises may be beneficial to assurance in that it causes the believer to a re-examination of his faith. That re-examination in a true believer actually results in a strengthening of his assurance. In “Religious Affections,” he notes:

when there are many of these acts and exercises, following one another in a course, under various trials, of every kind, the experience is still heightened; as one act confirms another. A man by once seeing his neighbor, may have good evidence of his presence: but by seeing him from day-to-day, and conversing with him in a course, [and] in various circumstances, the evidence is established. The disciples, when they first saw Christ, after his resurrection, had good evidence that he was alive: but by conversing with him for forty days, and his showing himself to them alive, by many infallible proofs, they had yet higher evidence.[18]

In support of his position, he also cited a similar understanding of assurance from the writings of Solomon Stoddard:

The more these visible exercises of grace are renewed, the more certain you will be. The more frequently these actings are renewed, the more abiding and confirmed your assurance will be. A man that has been assured of such visible exercises of grace, may quickly after be in doubt, whether he was not mistaken. But when such actings are renewed again and again, he grows more settled and established about his good state. If a man see a good thing once, that makes in sure: but if afterwards he fear[ed] he was deceived, when he comes to see it again, he is more sure he was not mistaken.[19]

Additionally, Edwards taught that even the believer’s struggle with indwelling sin was, in fact, an evidence of true faith. He believed that the true Christian was never entirely satisfied with anything less than being perfectly holy. For him, remaining sin is a great burden and he is not happy until it is removed. Those with a spurious faith would be little concerned with holiness and never struggle with sin. Thus, even the continual struggle with indwelling sin provided the believer with some evidence of true faith.[20]

Finally, Edwards and the Puritans would differ with modern evangelicals over the finality of assurance. For modern evangelicals, assurance is a thing that, once gained, is never lost. The Puritans would disagree strongly. Because they recognized the reality of indwelling sin, they also recognized that one’s assurance may waver at times. According to the Westminster Confession,

“True believers may have the assurance of their salvation divers ways shaken, diminished, and intermitted; as by negligence in preserving of it; by falling into some special sin, which woundeth the conscience, and grieveth the Spirit; by some sudden or vehement temptation; by God’s withdrawing the light of his countenance, and suffering even such as fear him to walk in darkness, and to have no light …”[21]

They were certainly not suggesting that salvation once gained could be lost; but assurance could be lost by failing to live close to Christ and walk in ways that please God.

Edwards’s Teachings on Assurance

First, Edwards taught that the experience of assurance was grounded in the covenant of God. Assurance flows out of the certainty that God will not and cannot reject his elected and adopted children. Though perseverance is an evidence of faith, perseverance in itself is not the reason for salvation. Rather, the perseverance of the saints is because of God’s faithfulness to His covenant promises in Christ.[22] The emphasis on such promises “provided solid pillars for increasing weak faith.”[23] But the mere knowledge of those covenant promises did not mean that they were necessarily applied to any particular person. Those promises were for all who were in the covenant; but how could a person know he was in the covenant? This question brings us to the second aspect of Edwards’s understanding of assurance.

Second, Edwards taught that assurance came primarily through the evidence of works in a person’s life. In the Puritan understanding, assurance could be gained by believers through two closely related, yet distinct, syllogisms—the practical and mystical syllogisms. The practical syllogism (or syllogismus practicus) emphasized external works evidenced in practical daily living. It could be stated by the following syllogism:

Major Premise: Only true believers manifest the fruits of sanctification and good deeds.

Minor Premise: By God’s grace, I see the evidence of such fruits and works in my life.

Conclusion: Therefore, I may be assured that I have a saving faith.

Conversely, the mystical syllogism (or syllogismus mysticus) emphasized the internal exercises or “steps of grace.” The evidence of true faith depended upon the internal testimony of the Spirit to the believer. Thus it could be represented by the following syllogism:

Major Premise: Only true believers experience the witness of the Spirit and godliness.

Minor Premise: By God’s grace, I see the evidence of such increasing godliness in my life.

Conclusion: Therefore, I may be assured that I have a saving faith.[24]

While Edwards accepted the validity of the mystical syllogism, he placed most of his emphasis on the practical syllogism as the best evidence of true believing faith. The practice of outward signs according to Edwards far outweighed the value of self examination. In “Religious Affections,” Edwards states:

Assurance is not to be obtained so much as of examination as by action. The apostle Paul sought assurance chiefly this way, even by forgetting those things that were behind, and reaching forth unto those things that were before, pressing toward the mark …”[25]

True faith evidences itself in practice. In this manner, Edwards’s view of charity is quite different from that of the medieval position, where charity brings faith to its fullness. According to Edwards, faith is not brought to life by our actions; rather faith is demonstrated by our actions. In his examination of the Epistle of James, Edwards held that Abraham’s faith was perfected or finished by his holy practice. His actions demonstrated the reality of his faith. Edwards even offers his own parable as an illustration of works perfecting faith:

“If a prince makes suit to a woman in a far country, that she would forsake her people, and father’s house, and come to him, to be his bride; the proper evidence of the compliance over heart with the King suit, is are actually forsaking her own people, and father’s house, and coming to him.”[26]

While Edwards did not totally discount the mystical syllogism, he remained skeptical of those who placed their confidence in it apart from the practical syllogism. His skepticism about basing assurance on the inward testimony came chiefly from four concerns. In the first place, he was aware that sin in the heart of every man blinds him to the reality of any real self-examination. Second, examination based on inward introspection can often result in anxiety rather than assurance. [27] This is because the affections are always changing and can sometimes mislead the believer into doubting his salvation because of an overly active introspection. A third problem with self examination is that it tends to lead the saints to spend too much time dissecting their experiences. The end result is that they are hindered in their actual work of holiness. That is why Edwards advised that the best way to a full assurance is to be active in the things of God. Finally, Edwards felt that much self-examination was mere self-reflection. A true biblical self-examination should not to be a turning into oneself, as much as it was to be the using of God’s word like a mirror to examine oneself.[28]

Thus, for Edwards, the best evidence of the work of the Spirit in a believer’s life is to be found in his works. In his preface to The Life of David Brainard, Serno Dwight notes that “[Jonathan Edwards] praised his friend David Brainerd for finding assurance of saving faith in its ‘evidences’ in his sanctified life rather than in immediate whisperings of the Holy Spirit.”

Third, Edwards was cautious to remind his listeners that the best way to assurance was not simply through doing deeds, but through drawing closer to Christ. This was certainly the emphasis of the English Puritans also. Richard Baxter advised his readers to

be sure that the first, and far greater part of your time, pains, and care, and inquiries, be for the getting and increasing of your grace, than for the discerning it…. See that you ask ten times at least, How should I get or increase my faith, my love to Christ, and to his people?[29]

Thomas Brooks wrote: “Therefore let thy eye and heart, first, most, and last, be fixed upon Christ, then will assurance bed and board with thee.”[30]

Likewise, Edwards did not point doubting believers only to outward evidences, but he pointed them toward a more vital union and relationship with Christ. In a letter to a young lady recently converted and struggling with some doubts, he wrote, “One new discovery of the glory of Christ’s face, will do more towards scattering clouds of darkness in one minute, than examining old experiences, by the best marks that can be given, through a whole year.”[31] In his sermon, “Christian Cautions,”

The way to grow in grace is to walk in the way of obedience to all the commands of God, to be very thorough in the practice of religion. Grace will flourish in the hearts of those who live in this manner. But if you live in some way of sin, that will be like some secret disease at your vitals, which will keep you poor, weak, and languishing.[32]

Suggestions for Discerning a True Faith

In this study, we have attempted to put the doctrine of assurance under the “microscope” of Jonathan Edwards. Since we have used a medical/scientific analogy for this examination, let’s continue to use such an analogy to provide some practical suggestions for directing people toward a biblical assurance in the spirit of Jonathan Edwards.

To facilitate a proper understanding of assurance, it might be best to call these evidences of eternal life “vital signs.” In the medical field, one’s physical condition is often monitored by the use of vital signs. Whenever an unconscious body is discovered, the first things examined are the vital signs to discover if the person is alive. In a similar fashion, the Bible gives us spiritual vital signs to provide assurance that we are alive spiritually.

Before we look at these, let’s consider four important facts about vital signs. First, vital signs are indicators; they do not cause or create anything. They only report the person’s condition. This is especially important when we speak about spiritual vital signs. They do not “make” anyone a Christian. Instead, those who have been born again by the Spirit of God have been made alive and therefore have these signs. Such an understanding is clear from the writings of Edwards: evidences do not save a person; they merely indicate that God has put spiritual life in that person.

Second, they are accurate. They leave little doubt as to the physical condition of the person. As you examine vital signs in your own spiritual life, do not fool yourself into thinking that you are on your way to heaven if the signs are absent. Just as a person whose vital signs are absent is physically dead, you are dead spiritually and need to be born again if these signs are not present. Edwards’s sermons which distinguished between true and false conversion often drove this fact home to his congregation.

Third, they are all necessary and related. Can you imagine a doctor arguing with his nurse: “I know there is no pulse, blood pressure or respiration, but I’m sure he’s alive because his temperature is not bad.” The body may have a temperature because it has recently expired – but it is still dead! Don’t use the vital signs as a checklist and conclude that you’ve got one vital sign so you must be okay. All the signs must be present in some degree for a full and complete assurance of eternal life.

Fourth, there is one important caution to remember when examining the vital signs: You need to look to see if they are PRESENT not to see if they are PREFECT. Can you imagine someone discovering he had a high temperature or high blood pressure and pronouncing, “I guess I’m dead after all”? In the same way, you need to look for the presence of these signs, not for perfection in them. However, should you find an area that is weak, this should be a warning that shows that, though you are alive spiritually, you are in ill health and need to take some corrective measures. This is why Edwards and the Puritans considered even a weak faith still as real faith. And this is why they labored so hard to show their listeners the means they might use to arrive at a more complete assurance of salvation.

Here are some of the signs that Edwards refers to in many of his writings:

First, A Love of Fellowship with Believers. According to 1 John 1:6-7, believers have two basic characteristics: they are forgiven and they fellowship. Those who profess to be followers of Christ that do not enjoy fellowship with other believers are to be held in suspect. The new nature of the believer leads him to desire to e with his brothers and sisters in Christ. In the case of John Bunyan’s Ignorance, unlike Hopeful and Christian, he “prefers to walk alone.” I would be deeply concerned about my salvation if I called myself a Christian and did not desire to be with other Christians. One vital sign of spiritual life is a new desire to be with other believers.

Second, A Deep Awareness of Sin. According to 1 John 1:8-10, another vital sign of faith is the awareness and admission of sin in our lives. Often believers are criticized as those who think they are sinless. However, a mark of true faith is that we come to acknowledge the fullness of our sin and flee to Christ. John makes it quite clear – those who say they have not sinned are simply liars. Believers sin, but they honestly admit their sin. In contrast, non-believers are always denying their sin, or minimizing it rather than confessing it. Therefore, one good sign of God’s work in our lives is admission of sin. John Owen noted that he did not know any believer to whom sin was not a burden and a sorrow. Richard Baxter said: “I think, if I could stand and mention all the other marks of grace…, it would appear that the truth and life of all of them lieth in this one.”

Third, A Lifestyle of Willing Obedience. In 1 John 2:3-4, the lifestyle of the believer is contrasted with non-believers. At first glance, it would appear that John is requiring sinless perfection. 1 John 2:29, 3:4-6, and 5:2 seem to echo the same. However, an examination of the context (especially 1:8-10) and the grammar (the use of a present indicative verb indicating continuing action) obviously lead to another conclusion. The passage is best translated with the idea that believers do not live lifestyles of habitual disobedience. Edwards clearly agreed with this assessment. We are not sinless, but struggle with sin and desire to be free from it. Such is not the desire of non-believers. They may desire to be free from the consequences of their sin, but they would like to hold on to the sin itself.

Fourth, A Witness of the Spirit Within. John speaks of this vital sign in two places: 3:24 and 4:13. Paul also speaks of the witness of the Spirit (see Romans 8:9, 16). What is this “witness” of the Spirit? It is not an emotional experience or certain spiritual gifts. The witness of the Spirit may be measured in many ways, but here are a few of the most obvious.

In Romans 8:15, Paul says, “For you did not receive the spirit of bondage again to fear, but you received the Spirit of adoption by whom we cry out, ‘Abba, Father.’” One mark of this witness is that we are now drawn to God and we cry out to Him as our Father. In Romans 8:14, we read, “As many as are lead by the Spirit of God, these are the sons of God.” This may indicate that believers are guided by God, but it most certainly indicated that they willingly follow Him (obedience).

In 1 Corinthians 2:12-14, we learn that a mark of a believer is a fresh understanding of the Scriptures. The natural man cannot understand these things “because they are spiritually discerned.” However, one mark of the work of the Spirit in a believer is that the Bible and the gospel which were once mysteries to him now make perfect sense. According to Edwards, the work of the Spirit causes men to have a greater regard for the Scriptures.[33]

Fifth, A Willing Confession of Christ. In his “Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God,” Edwards notes that the first characteristic of a true work of God in revival is that Jesus is confessed as the son of God and the savior of men.[34] The same can be said of the true believer. There is a new love for Christ and a new understanding of who He is and what He has done.

Two Cautions

1. Beware of Impatience. In 1 John 3:9, God’s life in us is described as His “seed” in us. The analogy refers to the seed of the male bringing about conception, but the similarities to a seed planted in the ground are also helpful. In both cases (the baby and the plant), one must give the seed time to grow before all the evidences of life are clear. If you are a new believer, you should expect to see some evidence of God’s life in your life. However, just as one would not plant a seed one day and uproot it the next because it did not bear fruit, so you must be especially patient with new believers and allow time for the evidence of life to grow.

2. Beware of Perfection. As was mentioned earlier, you need to look for EVIDENCE not for PERFECTION when examining these vital signs. Matthew Henry notes that the Holy Spirit usually changes the “affections and the attitudes” before He changes the “actions.”

One Warning

Beware of Presumption. Don’t take for granted that you are a believer just because you made a decision, had a religious experience, or are a member of a church. You must “examine yourself to see if you are in the faith” (2 Corinthians 13:5). Many have thought themselves to be saved only to discover that there really was no life in them. For Edwards and the Puritans, the gaining of assurance was a life-long pursuit, and one must be always examining himself lest he be found to be self-deceived.

Some may say, “Why should I examine my faith? I’m okay.” First, you need to do so because the Scriptures tell us to. “Examine yourself to see if you are in the faith,” Paul told the Corinthians. Those who are really converted have nothing to fear by an honest, Biblical examination of their salvation. Only the man-selling fake gold has anything to fear when a prospective buyer wants to have the gold tested before buying. Remember, the only thing worse than no assurance is a false assurance. What could be worse than to spend your whole life thinking that you were on your way to heaven, only to arrive at the judgment and hear Jesus say, “Depart from me, for I never knew you”? The matter of eternity is too important to go though this life unsure of your ultimate outcome. What could be worse than to be like Ignorance, ignoring any serious conversation about the true nature of faith and the evidences of assurance, only to cast away from heaven discovering too late that “there was a Way to Hell, even from the Gates of Heaven….” Let us be grateful for men like Edwards who directed others to the truth of the gospel and encouraged them to examine themselves so that they might find a more complete assurance of their salvation.

[1] Some of the best sources on the Puritan doctrine of assurance are R. H. Hawkes, “The Logic of Assurance in English Puritan Theology,” Westminster Theological Journal 52 (1990): 247-61; Geoffrey F. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith and Experience (Oxford: Blackwell, 1946): 34-61, 138–41; John von Rohr, “Covenant and Assurance in Early English Puritanism,” Church History 34 (1965) 195-203, and The Covenant of Grace in Puritan Thought (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986): 155-91; C. J. Sommerville, “Conversion, Sacrament and Assurance in the Puritan Covenant of Grace to 1650” (M.A. thesis, University of Kansas, 1963); William K. B. Stoever, ‘A Fair and Easie Way to Heaven’: Covenant Theology and Antinomianism in Early Massachusetts (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1978) 119-60; Joel R. Beeke, Assurance of Faith: Calvin, English Puritanism, and the Dutch Second Reformation (New York: Peter Lang, 1991); and Joel R. Beeke, “Personal Assurance of Faith: The Puritans and Chapter 18.2 of the Westminster Confession,” Westminster Theological Journal 55 (1993):1-30, cited as Beeke, WC.

[2] Bruce Bickel, Light and Heat: The Puritan View of the Pulpit (Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 1999), 141.

[3] John MacArthur, Jr., The Gospel According to Jesus (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988) and Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles (Dallas: Word, 1993).

[4] D. A. Carson, “Reflections of Christian Assurance,” Westminster Theological Journal (Spring 1992) 54:6.

[5] R. M. Hawkes, 248-49.

[6] Ibid, 251-52. “The Puritans did urge Christians to examine their works, not as a replacement to faith, but as a work of faith, to see God’s hand working within themselves.”

[7] Ibid, 253.

[8] Ibid, 252. See for example, Walter Marshall, The Gospel Mystery of Sanctification (1692, reprint, Grand Rapids: Reformation Heritage Books, 1999).

[9] J. I. Packer, A Quest for Godliness (Wheaton, IL: Crossway, 1990): 117–18.

[10] Hawkes, 253.

[11] John Gerstner, The Rational Biblcial Theology of Jonathan Edwards (Powhatan, VA: Bera Publications, 1993), III:226.

[12] Jonathan Edwards, The Works of Jonathan Edwards (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1974), II:596-603. Cited as Edwards, Works.

[13] See for example, Edwards’s sermon “The Christian Pilgrim,” in Works, 2:243-46.

[14] Conrad Cherry, The Theology of Jonathan Edwards (1966, reprint, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1990), 151.

[15] “Letters to Gillespie,” in John E. Smith, vol. 2 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards , ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 2:502-03. Cited as Yale 2.

[16] Thomas Brooks, The Works of Thomas Brooks (1861; reprint, Carlisle, Pa.: Banner of Truth, 1980) III:252.

[17] Yale, 2:470-76.

[18] Yale, 2: 452-53.

[19] Ibid, 453.

[20] Gerstner, 228.

[21] Westminster Confession of Faith, Article 18.4.

[22]One must be especially careful not to make the inference of Perry Miller: “The end of the Covenant of Grace is to give security to the transactions between God and men, for by binding God to the terms, it binds Him to save those who make good the terms.” Perry Miller, The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939) 389. As Beeke notes, the Puritans were clear that the ultimate security of the covenant was in God’s sovereign grace, not in man holding God to any binding transaction. See Beeke, WC, 6.

[23] Beeke, WC, 8.

[24] A more detailed discussion of these syllogisms can be found in Beeke, WC, 17-18.

[25] Yale, II:195-96.

[26] Ibid, 445.

[27] Jonathan Edwards, “Christian Cautions,” at http://www.teachingresources.org/insights/EdwardsIndex.html.

[28] Jonathan Edwards, “Pressing into the Kingdom,” at http://www.teachingresources.org/insights/EdwardsIndex.html. self-examination should always be joined together with the reading of God’s Word:

“When you read or hear, reflect on yourselves as you go along, comparing yourselves and your own ways with what you read or hear. Reflect and consider what agreement or disagreement there is between the word and your ways…. Therefore when you there read the rules given us by Christ and his apostles, reflect and consider, each one of you with himself, Do I live according to this rule? Or do I live in any respect contrary to it? … How few are there who do this as they ought to do!” Edwards, “Christian Cautions,” op.cit.

[29] Richard Baxter, Catholic Theologie 9.138-39, cited in J. I. Packer, “The Redemption and Restoration of Man in the Thought of Richard Baxter” (Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford, 1954) 401, cited in Beeke, WC, 23, note 113.

[30] Thomas Brooks, Heaven on Earth (1654; reprint, London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1961), 307.

[31] Works, 1:liv

[32] Edwards, “Christian Cautions,” op.cit. Emphasis mine.

[33] Yale, 4:226.

[34] Ibid.

That Jonathan Edwards was a doctrinal preacher has never been disputed. Some have even suggested that every sermon by Edwards was simply an attempt to extract a “theological axiom.”[1] There is almost universal agreement, not only that he was a doctrinal preacher, but that it was his doctrines alone that led to the powerful effects of his preaching. It is at this point that I must strongly differ, not only because it does not coincide with the historical facts, but even more importantly, because such an understanding tends to mislead modern Calvinistic preachers desiring to return to the theology of Edwards into thinking that, if they would only preach the doctrines of Edwards, they would have the results of Edwards. With this, I must strongly disagree and I hope to show you not only why I disagree, but how Edwards can be an excellent model for doctrinal preaching today.

Correction of a Historical Misunderstanding

Let me begin first with a correction of a common historical misunderstanding. The most common misunderstanding about the preaching of Edwards is that he preached in a monotone voice with his eyes buried in his fully written manuscript. Indeed it is rare to find any account that does not advance this interpretation of Edwards’s preaching. Most textbooks on homiletics cite him as an example of one who preached powerfully although lamely dependent on his manuscript.[2] Many church historians and theologians render similar views of the preaching of Edwards. Alan Heimert, in his Religion and the American Mind, suggested:

He spoke in measured tones and just stared at the bell rope as though he would stare it off, and worked his effects, it was thought, through the sheer power of his doctrines and language.[3]

Heimart is not alone in his assessment of the preaching of Edwards. Edward Collins concurred noting that Edwards “did not use gestures, and a heavy dependence on his manuscript prevented any rapport with his congregation.”[4] Even John Gertsner, a prominent writer on the theology of Edwards, provided a similar assessment:

From the standpoint of delivery, he possibly was one of the most mediocre the Church has ever known. He had none of the grand eloquence of George Whitefield or that powerful or sonorous voice. Apparently there were no real gestures, just a solemn reading of the manuscript most of the time, much to the chagrin of his senior pastor, Solomon Stoddard.[5]

Likewise, Lewis Drummond, in his work on revival, concluded:

We would hardly have called him a dynamic preacher. He laboriously read every word from a manuscript. Not only that, his eyesight and writing were so poor he held the manuscript only inches from his nose, rarely looking at the congregation.[6]

That Edwards read his sermons painstakingly from a manuscript appears to be the consensus of historians and theologians alike.

If Jonathan Edwards preached laboriously from a manuscript as many have asserted, then he would definitely be the great exception to the preaching pattern of all the other awakening preachers. Indeed, this exception is often cited by writers of the First Great Awakening to emphasize that these revivals were not dependent, to any degree, upon the style of some of the preachers in that Awakening. But, again, the evidence does not support this, and, for our purposes, this is an essential element to understanding Edwards as a model for doctrinal preaching today. Because, if it was only the doctrines themselves, and not the form of delivery, then perhaps we can excuse any interest in homiletical forms and simply make our sermons doctrinal treatises. But, if Edwards preached these doctrines with passion and power and used forms that were intended to connect with his audiences, then we would do well to consider these elements lest people be bored with the correct doctrines we preach, even if they are the doctrines of Edwards.

Edwards’s Style of Preaching

Let’s begin with an examination of his style of preaching since it is the element most misunderstood. First, how did the tradition of Edwards as a monotone manuscript reader ever develop? It appears that the idea of Edwards preaching with his manuscript held up close to his eyes originated in the writings of Serno E. Dwight over two generations later. In 1829, Dwight mentioned that “He wrote his sermons and in so fine and so illegible a hand that they could be read only by being brought near to the eye.”[7] From this statement, inference has been made to Edwards’s preaching method. However, Dwight only makes reference to the writing of sermons, not necessarily to Edwards’s preaching it.

There are no clear eyewitness accounts that indicate that Edwards ever preached using a manuscript.[8] In fact, those who knew Edwards best make clear reference to the opposite. Take Samuel Hopkins for example. Hopkins was a contemporary of Edwards, who lived in his home and preached in his church. Through that relationship, he had a number of occasions to hear Edwards preach.[9]

Hopkins suggested that “nearly twenty years after he first began to preach” (i.e., approximately 1742), Edwards stopped writing his sermons in full.[10] In all of Hopkins’s accounts of the preaching of Edwards, no reference is made to his reading from a manuscript in a monotone. He did note that

President Edwards, during the later years of his life, recommended the practice of preaching without notes altogether, but not without writing the sermons, which were to be delivered in the great degree memoriter.[11]

Hopkins himself struggled with this type of preaching, which followed the pattern of Edwards, his mentor.[12] His journal reveals that he heard Edwards often and assessed his preaching to be anything but boring and lifeless. Consider the following excerpt:

Sunday, July 24, 1743. Heard Mr. Edwards preach all day. I have been very dull and senseless; much discouraged about preaching. Hearing Mr. Edwards makes me ashamed of myself.[13]

Obviously, Hopkins, who would certainly not be regarded as a monotone, manuscript preacher, often became discouraged as he compared his preaching with that of Edwards.

There are numerous other reasons for suggesting that Edwards did not preach from a manuscript, including the fact that he preached in the pulpit of Solomon Stoddard who had published a tract on “The Defects of Preachers Reproved” in which he soundly condemned the reading of sermons in the pulpit. He concluded:

The reading of sermons is a dull way of preaching. Sermons when read are not delivered with authority and in an affecting way. . . . When sermons are delivered without notes, the looks and the gesture of the minister, is a great means to command attention and stir up affection. Men are apt to be drowsy in hearing the word, and the liveliness of the preacher is a means to stir up the attention of the hearers, and beget suitable affection in them. Sermons that are read are not delivered with authority, they favor the sermons of the scribes, Matthew 7:29. Experience shows that sermons read are not so profitable as others.[14]

Additionally, Edwards own view of preaching stands against the idea of reading manuscripts. According to Edwards, “God has ordained that his Word be opened, applied and set home upon men in preaching,” and that God desires “a particular and lively application of his Word.”[15]

Although his sermons provided deep, doctrinal treatments of topics, he placed the great emphasis on preaching affecting the heart.[16] Edwards himself stated:

Our people don’t so much need to have their heads stored as to have their hearts touched and they stand in the greatest need of that sort of preaching that has the greatest tendency to do this.[17]

He also taught that the preacher should not be devoid of emotion in his presentation. In Some Thoughts Concerning the Revival, Edwards argued in favor of the preacher speaking to affect his hearers’ emotions:

I should think myself in the way of my duty to raise the affections of my hearers as high as I possibly can, provided that they are affected with nothing but the truth, and with affections that are not disagreeable to the nature of what they are affected with.[18]

In his Distinguishing Marks, he criticized ministers for speaking of dreadful things without emotions and gestures appropriate to those words. When the preacher does so, “his behavior and manner of speaking contradict” his words, and “shew that the preacher don’t think so; so that he defeats his purpose.”[19]

Finally, there are two pieces of evidence in the manuscript library itself. First, no explanation exists for the change in the size of note paper used by Edwards after arriving at Northampton other than a desire on the part of Edwards to appear more “free” in his delivery. When he came to Northampton in 1726, he changed the size of the paper on which he wrote his sermons from octavo to the much smaller duodecimo. Ian Murray noted that “his sermon ‘booklet’ became about 3-7/8 inches by 4-1/8 inches, a size which could be ‘palmed,’ almost unseen, in his hand.” He suggested:

The obvious explanation for this is that he did not mean to parade his use of notes. Such an exercise would have been pointless had the people seen him reading word for word from an uplifted manuscript.[20]

Second, and even more conclusive, is Edwards’s shift, around 1741, away from writing out his manuscripts in full to simply outlining the leading thoughts.[21]

So what does this have to do with Edwards as a model for doctrinal preaching? Simply this – there is more to doctrinal preaching than simply preaching doctrine! There is a great tendency and danger among modern preachers who have come to understand and embrace the doctrines of grace to think that doctrinal preaching is merely the communication of theological truths. And Jonathan Edwards is usually presented as the example that “if you just preach doctrine, even while reading your manuscript in a monotone voice, you’ll be preaching doctrinal sermons.” Such is certainly not the case and, I am convinced from my study of Edwards that doctrinal preaching must be preaching, not teaching or it will fail to accomplish what Edwards did with his preaching.

Three Observations …

Allow me to make three general observations that might help us to understand how Edwards might serve as a model for doctrinal preaching in the twenty-first century.[22]

1. Doctrinal Preaching must be Relevant to be effective.

2. Doctrinal Preaching must be Concrete, not abstract to be understood.

3. Doctrinal Preaching must be Personal and Passionate to be powerful.

Relevant Doctrinal Preaching

Unfortunately, much of what is called “doctrinal preaching” today may be solid doctrinally, but it all too often fails to be relevant to contemporary audiences. One secret to Edwards’s success as a doctrinal preacher was his ability to preach doctrine in a way that was relevant to the needs and concerns of his congregation.

To this end, Edwards was not only concerned about doctrine, he was concerned to know how to best communicate it to his listeners. According to Wilson Kimnash: “After theology, Edwards thought most about expression: what is language, how operates on the mind, and how its resources might be variously exploited.”[23] In his sermons, he was more interested in persuasion than he was in theological expression. He labored to prove his points and used a variety of rhetorical devices to demonstrate them to his congregation. In fact, in comparison with the sermons of his father and grandfather, it is obvious that he simplified his sermon methods, making them easier to follow.[24]

Such was the concern of all the great Puritan preachers. They wanted to be certain that what they preached was clearly understood by the audience they hoped to reach. Richard Baxter, in his Reformed Pastor, points out this aim of Puritan preaching:

It is no small matter to stand up in the face of a congregation, and deliver a message of salvation or damnation as from the living God …. It is no easy matter to speak so plain, that the ignorant may understand us; and so seriously that the deadest hearts may feel us; and so convincingly, that the contradicting cavilers may be silenced.[25]

The Puritan emphasis on relevance can be seen in their development of what came to be called the “Plain Style” of preaching.[26] Like most of the Puritans before him, Edwards usually divided his sermons into three major sections – text, doctrine, and application or “uses.”[27] The “text” was usually the shortest in length. In this section, Edwards would put the text or verse of scripture in its context, explain any biblical questions, and suggest its importance for believers today.

Next, he followed with “the doctrine” in which he would set forth a central doctrinal truth followed by a number of propositions designed to prove the truth of the doctrine that arose from the text. The “doctrine” section also included various objections to the doctrine that he had set forth along with his corresponding answers. Edwards’s attempt to be relevant in his doctrinal preaching is also seen in this section of his sermons. Through this section, Edwards carefully and completely selected and arranged propositions that logically lead his listeners to affirm the truth of the central doctrine he had set forth. In addition to his propositions, he was always careful to “think with his listeners,” anticipating their objections to his doctrinal propositions and providing carefully reasoned and illustrated answers to those objections.

In the cover of his “Commonplace Book,” Edwards had placed a list of 21 rules for preaching, many which show his great concern to be relevant in his preaching. For example, in Rule #5, he reminds young preachers “not to insert disputable things” that may be exceedingly difficult for his hearers to grasp. Rule #7 contains a caution to “take special care that the matter be so stated that it shall be seen most clearly and distinctly by everyone ….” In Rule #8, he recommends, “In the course of reasoning not to pretend any thing to be more certain than every one will plainly see it is ….” In Rules #9 and #21, Edwards cautions against the use of theological terms where they might not be easily understood by the congregation: “as much as I can to avoid terms of art, to be very moderate in the use of terms of art [the theological arts]. Let it not look as if I were much read or were conversant with books of the learned world.”[28] In other words, Edwards preached doctrinally and theologically, but always with an eye to what his congregation could easily understand. He realized that a sermon was not a lecture on theology and he labored to make clear and logical points to his congregation.[29]

The final section of his sermons was the “uses” or application. Like the Puritans before him, the section called “uses,” “improvements,” or applications often formed the major part of his sermon. In this section, Edwards worked diligently to provide practical applications to show how the doctrines he had advanced could and should be lived out in daily lives. This area of his sermons is the most personal and passionate, as he directs specific applications to specific situations and groups in the congregation. The language of the application is plainly personal, evidenced by his constant use of the second person plural, “you.” We will deal more directly with this when we speak about “Personal and Passionate” preaching. But, suffice it to say, that clearly Edwards’s emphasis on the “application” section of his sermons indicates that he was mostly concerned that the doctrines he preached might be relevant and useful to those who heard him preach.

While modern preachers may or may not choose to use Edwards’s structure of Text, Doctrine, and Application in their doctrinal preaching, there are still many things that we can learn from how Edwards fashioned his sermons so that they might be relevant to his listeners. First, like Edwards, we should make certain that the bulk of our message in concerned with helping our people understand how these doctrines affect their lives today. If we fail to do so, then our doctrinal preaching, no matter how orthodox, and no matter how accepted by our people, will have little impact on their lives. Second, we need to spend as little time as possible dealing with the intricacies of the text. While references to other theologians and explanations of Greek and Hebrew terminology can be helpful at times, Edwards believed that these should be used sparingly, lest our people get the idea that theology is not for them; it is only for those conversant in the original languages and deeply schooled in theology. Finally, we must spend much time discovering the doctrinal truths in every passage we preach. And we must spend much time thinking through the logic of those doctrines and what objections might be raised to those truths. And we must strive to be clear in our explanations, so that even the youngest hearer and the newest believer may be able to grasp both the truth and the significance of that doctrine for his life today. We must be relevant in our doctrinal preaching if we are going to follow in the footsteps of Jonathan Edwards!

Concrete not Abstract

If Puritan preaching was to be clear rather than abstract, it had to be well illustrated. Puritan doctrinal sermons were well received by their listeners because they were well illustrated.

According to John Piper, Edwards labored over language and over images and metaphors because he was greatly concerned that he could communicate the “reality of what he saw in the Scripture.”[30] Take for example, his illustration of the enjoyment of God compared to all other enjoyments in his sermon, “The Christian Pilgrim:”

The enjoyment of God is the only happiness with which our souls can be satisfied. To go to heaven, fully to enjoy God, is infinitely better than the most pleasant accommodations here. Fathers and mothers, husbands, wives, or children, or the company of earthly friends, are but shadows; but God is the substance. These are but scattered beams, but God is the sun. These are but streams. But God is the ocean. [31]

In his illustrations, he sought to make that which was abstract concrete. For example, he described explaining the miracle of regeneration to be like giving a blind man a jar of honey and asking him to describe it. Like conversion, describing honey can only be done by a blind man by experiencing its taste.[32]

His famous sermon, “Sinner in the Hands of an Angry God,” was highly effective because of its powerful illustrations. Even a cursory reader of Edwards cannot forget his illustration of the sinner as that “loathsome spider” dangling by a thread over an open fire, held only by the merciful hand of God. But that sermon is full of other, equally poignant illustrations. Listen to a few of them:

Your wickedness makes you as it were heavy as lead, and to tend downwards with great weight and pressure towards hell; and if God should let you go, you would immediately sink and swiftly descend and plunge into the bottomless gulf, and your healthy constitution, and your own care and prudence, and best contrivance, and all your righteousness, would have no more influence to uphold you and keep you out of hell, than a spider’s web would have to stop a fallen rock.

Or consider the following:

There are black clouds of God’s wrath now hanging directly over your heads, full of the dreadful storm, and big with thunder; and were it not for the restraining hand of God, it would immediately burst forth upon you. The sovereign pleasure of God, for the present, stays his rough wind; otherwise it would come with fury, and your destruction would come like a whirlwind, and you would be like the chaff of the summer threshing floor.

Listen to one more:

The wrath of God is like great waters that are damned for the present; they increase more and more, and rise higher and higher, till an outlet is given; and the longer the stream is stopped, the more rapid and mighty is its course, when once it is let loose…. and you are every day treasuring up more wrath; the waters are constantly rising, and waxing more and more mighty; and there is nothing but the mere pleasure of God, that holds the waters back, that are unwilling to be stopped, and press hard to go forward. If God should only withdraw his hand from the flood-gate, it would immediately fly open, and the fiery floods of the fierceness and wrath of God, would rush forth with inconceivable fury, and would come upon you with omnipotent power.[33]

Edwards’s sermons were filled with vibrant illustrations of doctrinal truths. And the doctrinal preaching of Edwards was powerful because these illustrations made them concrete, not abstract. As Piper notes: “Experience and Scriptures teach that the heart is most powerfully touched, not when the mind is entertaining abstract ideas, but when it is filled with vivid images of amazing reality.”[34] Jonathan Edwards was a master of utilizing images and illustrations to make clear the reality of doctrinal truths.

Personal and Passionate Preaching

Most of all, Edwards was passionate preacher. He understood that true preaching consisted not merely of what the preacher says, but how he presents it. The message must be passionate if it is going to be received by the congregation. One contemporary of Edwards suggested that his success in the pulpit was “the power of presenting an important truth before an audience, with overwhelming weight of argument, and with such intenseness of feeling, that the whole soul of the speaker is thrown into every part of the conception and delivery; so that the solemn attention of the whole audience is riveted, from beginning to the close, and impressions are left that cannot be effaced.”[35]

Edwards understood from the preaching manuals of Perkins, Ames, and other Puritans that preaching must reach the affections and not just the mind. [36] To preach persuasively, the preacher must first believe and feel intensely he preaches, and secondly, he must communicate his feelings with the message so that the hearers also experience the reality of the message in his heart.

Thus the first and most important step in making a doctrinal message personal and penetrating is to have it applied to one’s own heart. Richard Baxter reminded Puritan preachers of this essential reality: “If the work of the Lord be not soundly done upon your own hearts, how can you expect that he will bless your labours for the effecting of it in other?”[37] Edwards likewise understood the importance of preaching the doctrines of scripture with a tender heart. In fact, Piper suggests that one of the secrets of Edwards’s power in the pulpit was his tender-hearted brokenness which enabled him to address even the most difficult personal and theological matters before his congregation. They listened to his doctrines because they knew they came from his own heart. Piper concludes, “Difficult doctrinal messages are best received by congregations when they are preached by ministers whose hearts love, not only the doctrines they preach, but the people they preach them to.” If we are to follow Edwards’s model for doctrinal preaching, we too must seek to have a heart that is tender before the Word of God and before the people of God.

But the doctrinal preacher must not only feel the message in his own heart, he must also communicate it to his hearers with passion and power. Much of the passion in his preaching came out of his own understanding of the role of the affections in religion. Edwards believed that decisions were made in the realm of the affections, not in the realm of the mind. Knowledge and reason were useful in reaching the affections, but the goal of preaching for Edwards was to touch the heart. This view of preaching, however, was not to be confused with the emotional preaching of the enthusiasts. Edwards was opposed to the style of preaching of both the rationalists and the enthusiasts. The rationalists, he contended, neglected the affections; the enthusiasts neglected reason. Edwards effectively combined both[38] exemplifying the Puritan emphasis on both “heat and light” in the pulpit.

Edwards believed that the primary aim of preaching was to “stir up holy affections.” “If true religion lies much in the affections, we may infer, that such a way of preaching the word … as has a tendency deeply to affect the hearts of those who attend … is much to be desired.”[39] In response to the criticisms of Charles Chauncy against some of the emotional preaching of the First Great Awakening, Edwards argued:

I don’t think ministers are to be blamed for raising the affections of their peers to high, if that which they are affected with be only that which is worthy of affection, and there affections are not raised be on the proportion to their importance …. I should think myself in the way of my duty to raise the affections of my hearers as high as I possibly can, provided they are affected with nothing but truth to, and with affections that not disagreeable to the nature of what they are affected with.[40]

In an ordination sermon in 1744, Edwards warned pastors about preaching messages full of light without heat:

“If the minister has light without heat, and entertains his auditory with learned discussions, without … any appearance of fervency of spirit, and zeal for God and the good of souls, he may gratify itching ears, and fill the heads of his people with empty notions; but it will not be very likely to reach their hearts, or save their souls.”[41]

Edwards rightly concluded: “Our people don’t so much need to have their heads stored as to have their hearts touched and they stand in the greatest need of that sort of preaching that has the greatest tendency to do this.[42]

Edwards’s doctrinal sermons were also effective because they were intensely personal. His sermons were filled with passionate pleas to his people to respond to the truth of scripture. In his sermon, “Pressing into the Kingdom,” he pleaded with his people, “now if you have any sort prudence for your own salvation, and had not a mind to go to hell, improved this season! Now is the acceptable time! Now is the day of salvation … do not harden your hearts that such a day is this!”[43]

Listen to the personal appeals in this sermon:

Are there not many here will live long in this world and are not to this day born-again? … oh, sirs, your case, in an especial manner, is extremely dangerous. Your guilt and hardness of heart is extremely great. Do not you see how generally persons of your years are passed over and left, in the present remarkable and wonderful dispensations of God’s mercy? You had need to consider yourselves, and awake thoroughly out of sleep. You cannot bear the fierceness and wrath of the infinite God. And you, young men and young women, will you neglect this precious season which you now enjoy, when so many others of your age are renouncing all youthful vanities, and flocking to Christ? You especially have now an extraordinary opportunity; but if you neglected, it will soon be with you as with those persons who spent all the precious days of youth in sin, and are now come to such a dreadful pass and blindness and hardness.[44]

Or consider the strong personal appeals in his famous “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God:”

Your wickedness makes you as it were heavy as lead, and to tend downwards with great weight and pressure towards hell; and if God should let you go, you would immediately sink and swiftly descend and plunge into the bottomless gulf, and your healthy constitution, and your own care and prudence, and best contrivance, and all your righteousness, would have no more influence to uphold you and keep you out of hell, than a spider’s web would have to stop a fallen rock.[45]

Much of what passes as doctrinal preaching today lacks this strong personal element. It generally conveys doctrinal truths apart from a clear, personal application. When you read the sermons of Edwards, although they are packed with theological content, you do not get the idea you are reading a theological treatise, but that Edwards is applying every truth directly to your own heart and life. Such is the essence of true doctrinal preaching.

If we are going to recapture Edwards’s gift of powerful doctrinal preaching for today, we too must preach with passionate hearts, understanding that we are not giving theology lectures, but appealing to men to live their lives according to the truths revealed in God’s Word. Doctrinal preaching that ignores the heart will become cold and boring, even when those great truths are most accurately set forth. As a passionate doctrinal preacher, Jonathan Edwards remains one of the greatest America has ever produced and is certainly a worthy model for our doctrinal preaching today.

[1] Ralph Turnbull, Jonathan Edwards, the Preacher (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1958), 57.

[2]One such example is Henry C. Brown, Jr., and H. Gordon Clinard, and Jesse J. Northcutt, Steps to the Sermon (Nashville: Broadman, 1963), 186.

[3]Alan Heimert, Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awakening to the Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966), 230.

[4]Edward M. Collins, Jr., “The Rhetoric of Sensation Challenges the Rhetoric of the Intellect: An Eighteenth Century Controversy,” in Sermons in American History: Selected Issues in the American Pulpit, 1630-1967, ed. Dewitt Holland, (New York: Abingdon, 1969), 102.

[5]John H. Gerstner, The Rational Biblical Theology of Jonathan Edwards, (Powhatan, VA: Berean Publications, 1991), 1:480. Emphasis mine.

[6]Lewis Drummond, The Awakening That Must Come (Nashville: Broadman, 1978), 13.

[7]Jonathan Edwards, The Works of Jonathan Edwards (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1974), 1:clxxxix. Emphasis in the original. Cited as Edwards, Works.

[8] Jim Ehrhard, “A Critical Analysis of the Tradition of Jonathan Edwards as a Manuscript Preacher,” Westminster Theological Journal 60 (1998):74-75.

[9]Edwards A. Park, ed., The Works of Samuel Hopkins Volume I (Boston: Doctrinal Tract and Book Society, 1865), 13-50. Cited as Hopkins, Works.

[10]Iain H. Murray, Jonathan Edwards: A New Biography (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1987), 190.

[11]Hopkins, Works, 1:39.

[12]Ibid, 38-39.

[13]Ibid, 49.

[14]Solomon Stoddard, The Defects of Preachers Reproved in a Sermon Preached at Northampton, May 19, 1723 (New London, CT: n.p., 1724; reprint, Ames, IA: International Outreach, n.d.), 20-21. Emphasis in the original.

[15]Edwards, Works, 1:242.

[16]John Piper, The Supremacy of God in Preaching (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1990), 82. Cited as Piper, Supremacy.

[17]C. C. Goen, The Great Awakening, vol. 4 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards , ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 388. Cited as Yale 4. Emphasis mine.

[18]Ibid, 387.

[19]Ibid, 247-48.

[20]Murray, 189.

[21]Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 364, note 21. Stout also notes that Wilson H. Kimnach traced this shift of Edwards toward abbreviated sermon outlines in “The Literary Techniques of Jonathan Edwards,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1971), 136, 176-77. One example would be ordination sermons. Helen Petter Westra provides such an example in her “Jonathan Edwards on ‘Faithful and Successful Ministers,’” Early American Literature 23 (1988): 286.

[22] John Piper has perhaps the best treatment of the value of Edwards’s sermons for preaching today in his book, The Supremacy of God in Preaching (op.cit). In his final chapter, he presents ten excellent characteristics in Edwards’s preaching that are helpful for preachers today.

[23] Wilson H. Kimnach, Sermons and Discourses, 1720-1723, vol. 10 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards, ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 3.

[24] John Hannah, “Jonathan Edwards and the Art of Effective Communication,” Reformation and Revival 11 (Fall 2002), 114-15.

[25] Richard Baxter, The Reformed Pastor, ed. William Brown (5th ed. 1656; reprint, Carlisle, PA: Banner of Truth, 1979), 170. Emphasis mine.

[26] See Perry Miller, The New England Mind (Boston: Beacon Press, 1961), 336; Horton Davies, The Worship of English Puritans (1948, reprint, Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 1997), 182-203; Davies, The Worship of the American Puritans (1990, reprint, Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 1999), 79-123; Peter Lewis, The Genius of Puritanism (1977, Morgan, PA: Soli Deo Gloria, 1996), 19-52; and Samuel T. Logan, “The Hermeneutics of Jonathan Edwards,” Westminster Theological Journal 43 (Fall 1980), 85-90 for discussions of this style.

[27] The doctrine and application sections have numbered subheads all related to proving the single central idea or doctrine that comes out of the text. Most of his sermons were topical in nature. The only expository group of sermons seems to be Edwards preaching through 1Corinthians 13, published as Charity and its Fruits. All of the material in his subheads were designed to support improved the central doctrine. In the subheads, he used of variety of sources to drive home the meaning of the text, including scripture references, theology, illustrations, and applications. See Hannah, 119-20.

[28] Cited in Turnbull, 56.

[29] For example, while it is clear for the catalogs of his books that he himself was thoroughly conversant with such matters, citations of the church fathers or citations of Hebrew, Greek or Latin terms are almost entirely absent in Edwards’ preaching. Ibid., 61.

[30] John Piper, “The Pastor as A Theologian: Reflections on the Ministry of Jonathan Edwards,” Message from the Bethlehem Pastors Conference, April 15, 1988, http://www.desiringgod.org/library/biographies/88edwards.html. Cited as Piper, Theologian.

[31] Edwards, Edwards, Works II: 244.

[32] Hannah, 117.

[33] Jonathan Edwards, “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God,” Listed on Teaching Resources Website at http://www.teachingresources.org/insights/Jonathan%20Edwards/Sinners%20in%20the%20Hands,%20Edwards.htm. Cited as Edwards, Sinners.

[34] Piper, Supremacy, 88. Emphasis mine.

[35] “Memoirs,” Edwards, Works. I:cxc. Emphasis mine.

[36] Turnbull, 33-41.

[37] Baxter, 80.

[38] Hannah, 118-19.

[39] “A Treatise on Religious Affections,” Edwards, Works, I:244.

[40] “Some Thoughts Concerning the Revival,” Yale, 4:387.

[41] “The True Excellency of a Gospel Minister,” Edwards, Works, II:958.

[42]Yale 4:388.

[43] “Pressing into the Kingdom,” Edwards, Works, I:659.

[44] Cited in J. A. Caiger, “Preaching—Puritan and Reformed,” [I have lost the reference note and will restore it as soon as I find it.].

[45] Edwards, Sinners, op.cit.

A Critical Analysis of the Tradition of Edwards as a Manuscript Preacher

Although the sermons and the writings of Jonathan Edwards have been given much consideration through the years, the preaching of Edwards has been largely ignored. While none doubt the persuasive power of the words he used, many have advanced caricatures of him as a boring manuscript preacher.

Indeed it is rare to find any account that does not advance this interpretation of Edwards’s preaching. Most textbooks on homiletics cite him as an example of one who preached powerfully although lamely dependent on his manuscript.[1] Popular authors, such as Peter Marshall, Jr., present the same picture of Edwards, “who delivered his sermons in a monotone, with his eyes never straying from the back wall of the church.”[2]

Many church historians and theologians render similar views of the preaching of Edwards. Alan Heimert, in his Religion and the American Mind, suggested:

He spoke in measured tones and just stared at the bell rope as though he would stare it off, and worked his effects, it was thought, through the sheer power of his doctrines and language.[3]

Edward Collins concurred noting that Edwards “did not use gestures, and a heavy dependence on his manuscript prevented any rapport with his congregation.”[4] Even John Gertsner, a prominent writer on the theology of Edwards, provided a similar assessment:

From the standpoint of delivery, he possibly was one of the most mediocre the Church has ever known. He had none of the grand eloquence of George Whitefield or that powerful or sonorous voice. Apparently there were no real gestures, just a solemn reading of the manuscript most of the time, much to the chagrin of his senior pastor, Solomon Stoddard.[5]

Likewise, Lewis Drummond, in his work on revival, concluded:

We would hardly have called him a dynamic preacher. He laboriously read every word from a manuscript. Not only that, his eyesight and writing were so poor he held the manuscript only inches from his nose, rarely looking at the congregation.[6]

That Edwards read his sermons painstakingly from a manuscript appears to be the consensus of historians and theologians alike.

Interestingly, a few current writers have begun to suggest the possibility that Edwards may not have always used a manuscript in preaching. John Smith, in his Jonathan Edwards: Puritan, Preacher, Philosopher, concluded that “Edwards, for the most part, read his sermons, although there are indications that he would have liked to speak extemporaneously.”[7] Even Wilson Kimnach, in his excellent introduction to Volume 10 in the Yale Edition of The Works of Jonathan Edwards, pondered the possibility that Edwards might not have been exclusively a manuscript preacher:

Given the preference of JE’s father and grandfather Stoddard for extempore or memoriter preaching, one must assume that JE made an initial effort to preach without relying upon his manuscript, at least for some months. There are in fact a number of formal or stylistic devices in the early sermons (discussed in the appropriate places) which might have functioned as mnemonic aids also. On the other hand, there is no record that JE ever preached without his manuscript.[8]

In spite of such indications, the only author to date who has been willing to confront the persistent idea of Edwards as a manuscript preacher is Iain Murray in his biography of Jonathan Edwards. However, Murray merely lists some facts in passing that bring this supposition into doubt.[9]

This article focuses on the examination of Edwards’s manuscripts[10] and other contemporary data to provide a more accurate picture of the preaching of Edwards. This process will include an examination of the historical situation in which Edwards preached, a discussion of eyewitness accounts, and an investigation of his views on preaching and his impact on the preaching of some who were tutored in his methods. Finally, it will consider the manuscript evidence that militates against the traditional view of Edwards’s preaching.

I. THE GREAT AWAKENING SETTING

If Jonathan Edwards preached laboriously from a manuscript as many have asserted, then he would definitely be the great exception to the preaching pattern of all the other awakening preachers. Indeed, this exception is often cited by writers of the First Great Awakening to emphasize that the revivals that occurred were not dependent, to any degree, upon the style of some of the preachers in that Awakening.

However, one must acknowledge that the Great Awakening was stimulated, at least in part, by a new approach in preaching.[11] Alan Heimert noted that the Great Awakening came as the result of new ideas in theology as well as some new approaches in preaching: “Not just the old divinity, but the old homiletics, had proven ‘stale and unsavory’ to American >palates.’”[12] Between the time of the ministry of John Cotton and that of Jonathan Edwards, a dramatic shift in preaching had occurred. By the third and fourth generation in New England, preaching had shifted to a “more logical style”[13] with an increasing number of ministers reading their sermons to their congregations.[14]

The most noticeable impact on preaching occurred with the arrival of George Whitefield from England. His preaching provided a stark contrast to that of most Congregational ministers, especially his preaching without notes:

Throughout his journeys, Whitefield urged ministers and aspiring ministers to “preach without notes,” and criticized recorded [written] sermons as a deficiency in faith: “I think the ministers preaching almost universally by note, is a mark that they have, in great measure, lost the old spirit of preaching. Though they are not to be condemned who use notes, yet it is a symptom of the decay of religion, when reading sermons becomes fashionable where extempore preaching did once almost universally prevail.”[15]

Harry S. Stout notes that while Whitefield’s statement may be an exaggeration, he “was correct in how many New England ministers” had come to read their sermons verbatim.[16]

Donald Weber’s studies led him to conclude that Edwards and other “New Light” preachers, “changed from linear narrative to fragmentary, disfluent modes—and all at virtually the same historical juncture.”[17] Certainly Edwards was impressed by the preaching of Whitefield and may have modified his preaching after Whitefield’s visit to his congregation.[18]

However, there is evidence that Edwards, like Whitefield and other awakening preachers, already preached in an extemporaneous style.[19] He was not the exception to the pattern of preaching in the Great Awakening, but, instead, he preached messages from his heart that had great impact on his listeners.

II. EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS

But what can be said about all the eyewitness accounts that verify that Edwards preached from a manuscript in a monotone? In reality, there are no such accounts of Edwards reading his sermons.[20] It appears that the idea of Edwards preaching with his manuscript held up close to his eyes originated in the writings of Serno E. Dwight over two generations later. In 1829, Dwight mentioned that “He wrote his sermons and in so fine and so illegible a hand that they could be read only by being brought near to the eye.”[21] From this statement, inference has been made to Edwards’s preaching method. However, Dwight only makes reference to the writing of sermons, not necessarily to Edwards’s preaching it.

One reference to Edwards’s preaching comes from a contemporary preacher, Thomas Prince. Prince described Edwards as

a preacher of a low and moderate voice, a natural way of delivery; and without any agitation of body, or anything else in the manner to excite attention; except his habitual and great solemnity, looking and speaking as in the presence of God, and with a weighty sense of the matter delivered.[22]

While Prince’s account tells much about Edwards’s manner of delivery, it says nothing about his use of a manuscript.

Most point to Gordon Clark’s reference to Edwards reading his sermon at Enfield, Connecticut. However, that account does not square with the manuscript evidence.[23] In examining the manuscripts at Yale, it becomes clear that Edwards delivered the sermon twice. It was first delivered to his own congregation in Northampton in June 1741 with little effect. When requested to speak at the area conference in Enfield, Connecticut, the following month (July 8, 1741), Edwards preached the same sermon with dramatically different results.[24] While tradition holds that he delivered this particular sermon by reading from his manuscript in a monotone voice, the manuscripts at Yale reveal that the discourse was not entirely written out, so that the tradition is hardly to be relied on.[25]

Actually, the documents at Yale contain both a full manuscript and an outline. Based upon an examination of the ink and the handwriting, Kimnach assessed that the manuscript preceded the outline. He concluded:

The thought arises that JE, under the influence of Whitefield, might have made an outline of his Northampton sermon for the Enfield performance. With the outline, his preaching would necessarily have been more “spontaneous.”[26]

He also noted that “certain discrepancies between the outline and the original sermon . . . suggest that Edwards may have made up the outline from memory.”[27] Clearly, at least the Enfield sermon does not fit the tradition of Edwards as a manuscript preacher.

Perhaps the account of the preaching of Edwards left by Samuel Hopkins provides the most accurate information. Hopkins was a contemporary of Edwards, who lived in his home and preached in his church.[28] In 1764, Hopkins published a biographical work on Edwards, “The Life and Character of the late Reverend, Learned, and Pious Mr. Jonathan Edwards, President of the College of New Jersey; Together with Extracts from his Private Writings and Diary.”[29] Hopkins even pastored a church in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, during the time Edwards was in Stockbridge. His biographer noted that the distance was only “about one hour’s ride” away and that the two spent much time together.[30] Through that relationship, he had a number of occasions to hear Edwards preach.[31]

Hopkins suggested that “nearly twenty years after he first began to preach” (i.e., approximately 1742), Edwards stopped writing his sermons in full.[32] Although Murray provided no citation for this information, Hopkins may have deduced this from his examination of Edwards’s manuscripts which were, “by request of Mr. Edwards . . . placed in the hands of Mr. Hopkins.”[33] Regardless, Hopkins’s observations agree with the manuscripts presently in the collection at Yale.[34]

In all of Hopkins’s accounts of the preaching of Edwards, no reference is made to his reading from a manuscript in a monotone. He did note that

President Edwards, during the later years of his life, recommended the practice of preaching without notes altogether, but not without writing the sermons, which were to be delivered in the great degree memoriter.[35]

Hopkins himself struggled with this type of preaching, which he felt followed the pattern of his mentor, Edwards.[36] His journal reveals that he heard Edwards often and assessed his preaching to be anything but boring and lifeless. Consider the following excerpt:

Sunday, July 24, 1743. Heard Mr. Edwards preach all day. I have been very dull and senseless; much discouraged about preaching. Hearing Mr. Edwards makes me ashamed of myself.[37]

Obviously, Hopkins, who would certainly not be regarded as a monotone, manuscript preacher, often became discouraged as he compared his preaching with that of Edwards.

With regard to Edwards’s delivery, Hopkins makes some comments which may help to put the preaching of Edwards in perspective. Hopkins recorded:

He read most that he wrote: still he was not confined to them; and if some thoughts were suggested to him while he was preaching, which did not occur to him when writing, and appeared pertinent, he would deliver them with as great propriety and fluency, and often with greater pathos, and attended with a more sensibly good effect on his hearers than what he had written.[38]

While this clearly refutes the idea of Edwards as a manuscript preacher, it also reveals that Edwards did utilize notes in the pulpit. The manuscript evidence at Yale concurs with this assessment, especially with regard to the size of Edwards’s “palm notes” as shall be examined later.

III. MODELS PROVIDED BY FATHER AND GRANDFATHER

The two main influences upon the preaching of Edwards were his father, Timothy Edwards, and his grandfather, Solomon Stoddard.[39] Both provided extemporaneous models of preaching for young Jonathan. Timothy Dwight noted that Timothy Edwards “always preached extemporaneously, and, until he was upwards of seventy, without noting down the heads of the discourse.”[40] Kimnach suggested that Edwards’s grandfather, Solomon Stoddard, employed the same pattern of preaching, as did Timothy Edwards.[41] Both of these men provided models for the preaching of Jonathan Edwards.

In 1726, Jonathan Edwards came to Northampton to serve as the assistant to Stoddard. Just three years prior to his coming to that church, Solomon Stoddard preached his famous sermon, “The Defects of Preachers Reproved,” in which he soundly condemned the reading of sermons.[42] In that sermon, he noted that it was not the pattern of the prophets to read their prophecies. Then he summarized his view of such “reading preachers:”

The reading of sermons is a dull way of preaching. Sermons when read are not delivered with authority and in an affecting way. . . . When sermons are delivered without notes, the looks and the gesture of the minister, is a great means to command attention and stir up affection. Men are apt to be drowsy in hearing the word, and the liveliness of the preacher is a means to stir up the attention of the hearers, and beget suitable affection in them. Sermons that are read are not delivered with authority, they savor the sermons of the scribes, Matthew 7:29. Experience shows that sermons read are not so profitable as others.[43]

This did not mean, however, that ministers should preach without adequate preparation. Stoddard usually wrote out his entire sermon manuscript and committed it largely to memory before his delivery.[44] Additionally, he was not opposed to a preacher having some notes to aid his delivery.[45] He disapproved of ministers who had to “carry a quiver full of them” into the pulpit each Sunday.[46]

Scholars have little doubt that Stoddard provided a preaching pattern for young Edwards.[47] John Smith even suggested that Edwards may have been under some pressure from his grandfather “not to read his sermons, but to preach more freely.”[48] Even Kimnach stated, “one must assume that JE made an initial effort to preach without relying upon his manuscript, at least for some months.” Yet he concludes that this attempt was unsuccessful, and that Edwards quickly returned to his style of manuscript preaching.[49] However, manuscript evidence indicates that the opposite occurred. Beginning in 1741, Edwards ceased to write his sermons in full, writing only certain sections and leaving other sections to be “filled in” while speaking.[50] Kimnach noted that Edwards was only outlining his “application” sections as early as 1729.[51]

Such a pattern does not represent a shift back to manuscript reading, but an increasing tendency toward a more extemporaneous style. One must seriously question the tradition of Edwards as a “reading preacher” being called to Stoddard’s church so soon after Stoddard’s denunciation of manuscript preaching. Thus Iain Murray rightly inquired, “Is it likely that only three years later [following the “Defects” sermon] he would have approved of a colleague who could only read?”[52]

IV. EDWARDS’S VIEWS ON PREACHING

Another area that must be considered is Edwards’s own views about preaching. He taught that “God has ordained that his Word be opened, applied and set home upon men in preaching,” and that God desires “a particular and lively application of his Word.”[53] According the Murray, Edwards “believed that preaching is NOT the equivalent to reading a book.”[54]

Although his sermons provided deep, intellectual treatments of topics, he placed great emphasis on preaching affecting the heart.[55] Edwards himself stated:

Our people don’t so much need to have their heads stored as to have their hearts touched and they stand in the greatest need of that sort of preaching that has the greatest tendency to do this.[56]

He also taught that the preacher should not be devoid of emotion in his presentation. In Some Thoughts Concerning the Revival, Edwards argued in favor of the preacher speaking to affect his hearers’ emotions:

I should think myself in the way of my duty to raise the affections of my hearers as high as I possibly can, provided that they are affected with nothing but the truth, and with affections that are not disagreeable to the nature of what they are affected with.[57]

In his Distinguishing Marks, he criticized ministers for speaking of dreadful things without emotions and gestures appropriate to those words. When the preacher does so, “his behavior and manner of speaking contradict” his words, and “shew that the preacher don’t think so; so that he defeats his purpose.”[58]

Another way to assess Edwards’s views on preaching would be to examine what he taught others about preaching. Stout noted that Edwards often invited students to his home for “post-graduate training.”[59] He suggested that Edwards directly influenced a generation of extemporaneous preachers:

Through his printed sermons and the school of prophets established in his household Edwards taught a generation of evangelical ministers how to articulate their extemporaneous sermons in glowing terms that warmed the hearts of their listeners.[60]

Two of the more prominent men tutored by Edwards were Joseph Bellamy and Samuel Hopkins. Both preached extemporaneously. Hopkins probably spent the greatest amount of time with Edwards. He came to live with him in 1742 and continued his education with him off and on until 1743.[61] Thereafter, he pastored in close proximity to Edwards and continued to spend much time with him.

Hopkins’s Works also provide a number of insights about the influence of Edwards on his preaching. He noted that:

President Edwards, during the later years of his life, recommended the practice of preaching without notes altogether, but not without writing of sermons, which were to be delivered in the great degree memoriter.[62]

Upon this recommendation, Hopkins almost exclusively preached extemporaneous sermons. In his Works, he summarized his life of preaching:

I have not been confined to my notes in preaching, except for a short time, when I first began; and have not generally written my sermons in full length, but only the heads of them, and some short hints to suggest ideas, which were to be mentioned under the general heads.

In passing on his insights about preaching, Hopkins suggested the following for young preachers:

I think it would be best, in general, to write all the sermon, and commit it to memory, with an allowance to deviate in some instances from what has been written, and to add to it what may be suggested to the mind in delivery. If this practice be diligently followed for a time, the preacher, it is expected, will be able not only to preach without notes, but his mind will be so furnished with the knowledge of divinity, that he will be able to preach without writing his sermons.[63]

This certainly appears to reflect something of the process through which Edwards himself passed: beginning by writing out his manuscripts in full, memorizing the greater portion of it, and eventually coming to write out mainly outlines of his thoughts to enhance his speaking extemporaneously.

V. MANUSCRIPT EVIDENCE

Perhaps the most persuasive evidence against the traditional view of Edwards’s preaching comes from the manuscript evidence at Yale. Two facts lend credence to the idea that Edwards preached largely extemporaneously.

First, no explanation exists for the change in the size of note paper used by Edwards after arriving at Northampton other than a desire on the part of Edwards to appear more “free” in his delivery. When he came to Northampton in 1726, he changed the size of the paper on which he wrote his sermons from octavo to the much smaller duodecimo. Murray noted that “his sermon ‘booklet’ became about 3-7/8 inches by 4-1/8 inches, a size which could be ‘palmed,’ almost unseen, in his hand.” He suggested:

The obvious explanation for this is that he did not mean to parade his use of notes. Such an exercise would have been pointless had the people seen him reading word for word from an uplifted manuscript.[64]

Others agree, at least in part.

Kimnach suggested that he changed the size of his notes in part, to avoid “paper shuffling in the pulpit.”[65] He also noted that Edwards worked hard to make “the sermon as compact and efficient for pulpit use as he could.”[66] According to Winslow, “Tradition says that Jonathan Edwards placed the tiny sermon booklet in the open pulpit Bible, keeping his finger on his place.”[67] The only reason that accounts for Edwards cutting his “sermon booklets” to this new, smaller size is that he modified his pulpit notes to fit a freer delivery style of preaching after arriving in Northampton.

Second, and even more conclusive, is Edwards’s shift, around 1741, away from writing out his manuscripts in full to simply outlining the leading thoughts.[68] The Yale collection does include full manuscripts for some sermons after that period, but the majority of them are sermons preached on special occasions.[69] Some have suggested that this change in Edwards’s style occurred after Whitefield’s visit to his church in October 1740.[70]

Kimnach, based upon his examination of the manuscript evidence, observed a noticeable change in Edwards’s sermon preparation. He noted:

As the decade [of the 1740s] wears on, not only do the sermon booklets look more like bundles of waste paper and the outlines grow more and more like bare lists, but the very nature of the notation in the booklets changes. Whereas Edwards had always written in his booklets the words he expected to speak to his congregation, and even in the outline form preserved the decorum of the oration, he now began to write notes on sermons. Beside the brief notes for heads, or in place of a head, one is likely to encounter such statements as “Conclude with some consideration to enforce the whole” (Luke 12:35-36), and often there is no hint of what that consideration might be.[71]

One must not think, however, that this type of a pattern is anything “late” in Edwards’s career. Even Kimnach notes that Edwards is outlining at least the “conclusions of the Doctrine and Application divisions” as early as 1729.[72]

In spite of evidence to the contrary, Kimnach persists in his view of Edwards as a manuscript preacher. He attributed his outlining of sermons to his increasing “mastery of the pulpit” and the increasing demands on his time.[73] According to Kimnach, this should not be interpreted to mean that Edwards was in any way extemporaneous in his delivery. He concluded that descriptions of Edwards’s personality

gives little precedence for the kind of on-the-spot intellectual improvising that would be required to transform such lists into unified wholes with even a little of that old ideational richness.[74]

In other words, although the evidence might suggest a move to a more extemporaneous style, Kimnach still concluded that traditional reports about Edwards prohibits any such conclusion.

Kimnach presents at least three explanations for the manuscript evidence. First, he concluded that Edwards might have made these outlines in response to the “spontaneous” delivery that he had witnessed in Whitefield’s preaching.[75] However, Kimnach himself had noted that the manuscripts reveal that Edwards had begun to outline some parts of the conclusions and applications as early as 1729.[76] Second, Kimnach suggested that the outlines might have been “reductions” of his sermons for preaching more simply to the Indians at Stockbridge.[77] However, the outlines do not reveal any reduction of doctrinal substance to make the messages simple for the Indians.

Third, he advanced the idea that the outlines were designed by Edwards so that he could later insert other material he had gathered at the appropriate places.[78] He even suggested that the tradition of Edwards’s “pinning” himself might be mistaken. Instead, Kimnach pondered the possibility that Edwards pinned these notes into his outlines. However, no evidence exists on the manuscripts to support the idea of “pinning” notes into the outlines.

None of this provides an adequate explanation of the manuscript evidence. Additionally, it is not just that Edwards changes the written form of his notes; even his sermonic organization shows evidence of change during this period:

as he developed his sermons less and less, and gradually gave over to the outline, so he seems to have placed less and less emphasis on the old intricate relationships between the parts of the sermon. The major divisions—Text, Doctrine, Application–remain, even though the statement of doctrine tends to dissolve into a mere proposition or “three things I shall here discuss,” but the hierarchy of heads and subheads nearly vanishes, and the form becomes not an essay but a mere list of ideas on the subject. Significantly, Edwards tends to mark the “heads” of these outlines with large Roman numerals–much larger than the numerals of the written-out sermons–as if only the arbitrary march of numerals gave order to the sermon.[79]

Clearly the manuscripts of Edwards indicate a continual attempt on the part of Edwards to become more spontaneous in his delivery. The documents at Yale reveal that, especially during the time of the Great Awakening and his time at Stockbridge, he relied almost entirely upon outlines rather than manuscripts for his preaching.

VI. CONCLUSION

That Jonathan Edwards preached in a monotone from a manuscript held close to his eyes cannot be substantiated by the records which are extant. No clear eye-witness account exists that supports this tradition. Indeed, those who were closest to him and taught by him never mention his use of a manuscript in the pulpit.

The mere presence of complete manuscripts of Edwards’s sermons does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that he also preached from those manuscripts. Ralph Turnbull’s study of the preaching of Edwards brought him to such a conclusion:

The discipline of writing at the first did not mean that he always used a manuscript when in the pulpit. Most of the manuscripts left behind are in notes and outlines, so we can state that Edwards was no slave to any one method.[80]

The clear shift to outlines after 1741 also militates against the idea that he relied upon a manuscript. To hold to the traditional view of Edwards, some reasonable explanation must be provided for the outlines in the Yale collection.

While it might be possible that Edwards, the manuscript preacher, encouraged others to develop an extemporaneous style that was not his own, it appears unlikely. Instead, contemporary accounts from students such as Hopkins indicate that Edwards himself provided the model for their extemporaneous preaching.

It is even more unlikely that Edwards could have received the support of his grandfather if he had been one of those “reading preachers” about whom Stoddard preached and wrote. Further, no explanation exists for Edwards’s shift to smaller notes, called his “thumb notes” or “palm notes,” apart from the fact that he was consciously attempting to follow the pattern of his father and grandfather in presenting his messages with a degree of freedom. Everything in the Yale collection indicates that Edwards preached extemporaneously, although not completely without notes. His pulpit notes even include devices to help him emphasize various points, and his outlines often clearly indicate that he intended to speak completely extemporaneously at certain points.[81]

In light of this evidence, there appears to be no reason for continuing to hold to the idea of Edwards as a manuscript preacher. Like other preachers used mightily in the First Great Awakening, Jonathan Edwards impacted lives, in part, because he delivered his sermons, not by reading them with his manuscript hiding his face, but as one speaking directly to the people urging them to act upon the message which came from a Sovereign God.

End Notes

1 One such example is Henry C. Brown, Jr., and H. Gordon Clinard, and Jesse J. Northcutt, Steps to the Sermon (Nashville: Broadman, 1963), 186.

2 Peter J. Marshall, Jr., and David B. Manuel, Jr., The Light and the Glory (Old Tappan, NJ: Revell, 1977),

241.

3 Alan Heimert, Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awakening to the Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966), 230.

4 Edward M. Collins, Jr., “The Rhetoric of Sensation Challenges the Rhetoric of the Intellect: An Eighteenth Century Controversy,” in Sermons in American History: Selected Issues in the American Pulpit, 1630-1967, ed. Dewitt Holland, (New York: Abingdon, 1969), 102.

5 John H. Gerstner, The Rational Biblical Theology of Jonathan Edwards, (Powhatan, VA: Berean Publications, 1991), 1:480.

6 Lewis Drummond, The Awakening That Must Come (Nashville: Broadman, 1978), 13.

7 John E. Smith, Jonathan Edwards: Puritan, Preacher, Philosopher (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 139.

8 Wilson H. Kimnach, Sermons and Discourses, 1720-1723, vol. 10 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards, ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 282, note 3. Emphasis in the original. Hereafter cited as Yale 10.

9 Iain H. Murray, Jonathan Edwards: A New Biography (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1987), 188-89.

10 For the purposes of this study, such manuscript evidence will be examined using the data compiled by Kimnach. Yale 10.

11 A number of authors have recently advanced this theory. See Marion D. Aldridge, “George Whitefield: The Necessary Interdependence of Preaching Style and Sermon Content to Effect Revival,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 23 (March 1980): 55-64; Donald Weber, Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

12 Heimert, 160.

13 Samuel T. Logan, “The Hermeneutics of Jonathan Edwards,” Westminster Theological Seminary 43 (Fall 1980): 86-87.

14 Stout, 357-58, note 24.

13

[1]One such example is Henry C. Brown, Jr., and H. Gordon Clinard, and Jesse J. Northcutt, Steps to the Sermon (Nashville: Broadman, 1963), 186.

[2]Peter J. Marshall, Jr., and David B. Manuel, Jr., The Light and the Glory (Old Tappan, NJ: Revell, 1977), 241.

[3]Alan Heimert, Religion and the American Mind: From the Great Awakening to the Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966), 230.

[4]Edward M. Collins, Jr., The Rhetoric of Sensation Challenges the Rhetoric of the Intellect: An Eighteenth Century Controversy, in Sermons in American History: Selected Issues in the American Pulpit, 1630-1967, ed. Dewitt Holland, (New York: Abingdon, 1969), 102.

[5]John H. Gerstner, The Rational Biblical Theology of Jonathan Edwards, (Powhatan, VA: Berean Publications, 1991), 1:480.

[6]Lewis Drummond, The Awakening That Must Come (Nashville: Broadman, 1978), 13.

[7]John E. Smith, Jonathan Edwards: Puritan, Preacher, Philosopher (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 139.

[8]Wilson H. Kimnach, Sermons and Discourses, 1720-1723, vol. 10 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards, ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 282, note 3. Emphasis in the original. CIted as Yale 10.

[9]Iain H. Murray, Jonathan Edwards: A New Biography (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1987), 188-89.

[10]For the purposes of this study, such manuscript evidence will be examined using the data compiled by Kimnach. Yale 10.

[11]A number of authors have recently advanced this theory. See Marion D. Aldridge, George Whitefield: The Necessary Interdependence of Preaching Style and Sermon Content to Effect Revival, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 23 (March 1980): 55-64; Donald Weber, Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

[12]Heimert, 160.

[13]Samuel T. Logan, The Hermeneutics of Jonathan Edwards, Westminster Theological Seminary 43 (Fall 1980): 86-87.

[14]Stout, 357-58, note 24.

[15]Ibid., 192.

[16]Ibid.

[17]Weber, 11.

[18]Yale 10:122.

[19]Extemporaneous is used here and throughout to indicate a type of preaching that may utilize notes but generally provides for a free delivery.

[20]Murray, 189.

[21]Jonathan Edwards, The Works of Jonathan Edwards (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1974), 1:clxxxix. Emphasis in the original. CIted as Edwards, Works.

[22]C. C. Goen, The Great Awakening, vol. 4 of The Works of Jonathan Edwards , ed. John E. Smith (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 72. CIted as Yale 4.

[23]Ibid., 189.

[24]Ralph G. Turnbull, Jonathan Edwards: The Preacher (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1958), 100-01.

[25]Yale 10:144-45.

[26]Ibid., 145.

[27]Ibid., 146.

[28]Edwards A. Park, ed., The Works of Samuel Hopkins (Boston: Doctrinal Tract and Book Society, 1865), 13-50. CIted as Hopkins, Works.

[29]Ibid., 213.

[30]Ibid., 49.

[31]Ibid., 13-50.

[32]Murray, 190.

[33]Hopkins, Works, 1:215. There is also a description of Hopkinss efforts in attempting to edit those manuscripts. Ibid., 215-20.

[34]Yale 10:102.

[35]Hopkins, Works, 1:39.

[36]Ibid., 38-39.

[37]Ibid., 49.

[38]Murray, 190.

[39]Yale 10:10-11.

[40]Ibid., 11, note 9. Kimnach, however, notes that Timothy preached memoriter rather than extempore simply because some complete manuscripts of Timothy survive. Ibid.

[41]The outward form of his sermons is the same as that employed by Timothy Edwards. . . . Ibid., 12.

[42]That sermon was preached on May 19, 1723 and was printed on January 28, 1724. Ola Elizabeth Winslow, Jonathan Edwards: 1703-1758 (New York: Macmillian, 1940), 321, note 4.

[43]Solomon Stoddard, The Defects of Preachers Reproved in a Sermon Preached at Northampton, May 19, 1723 (New London, CT: n.p., 1724; reprint, Ames, IA: International Outreach, n.d.), 20-21. Emphasis in original.

[44]Keith J. Hardman, Seasons of Refreshing (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994), 44.

[45]Stoddard, 20.

[46]Winslow, 131.

[47]Yale 10:24.

[48]Smith, 139.

[49]Yale 10:282, note 3.

[50]Murray, 189.

[51]Yale 10:102.

[52]Murray, 188.

[53]Edwards, Works, 1:242.

[54]Murray, 188.

[55]John Piper, The Supremacy of God in Preaching (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1990), 82.

[56]Yale 4:388.

[57]Ibid., 387.

[58]Ibid., 247-48.

[59]Stout, 228.

[60]Ibid., 231. Also see Teresa Toulouse, The Art of Prophesying: New England Sermons and the Shaping of Belief (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 62-65.

[61]Hopkins, Works, 1:13-35.

[62]Ibid., 39.

[63]Ibid.

[64]Murray, 189.

[65]Yale 10:101.

[66]Ibid.,7.

[67]Winslow, 131.

[68]Stout, 364, note 21. Stout also notes that Wilson H. Kimnach traced this shift of Edwards toward abbreviated sermon outlines in The Literary Techniques of Jonathan Edwards, (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1971), 136, 176-77.

[69]One example would be ordination sermons. Helen Petter Westra provides such an example in her Jonathan Edwards on Faithful and Successful Ministers, Early American Literature 23 (1988): 286. Kimnach stated: When Edwards had an extraordinary preaching occasion during the forties, such as an ordination sermon, a guest lecture, or a difficult case to put across at home, he seems to have returned to his earlier practice. . . . Yale 10:124.

[70]Yale 10:122; and Winslow, 130.

[71]Yale 10:123-24.

[72]Ibid., 102.

[73]Ibid.

[74]Ibid., 123.

[75]Ibid., 122.

[76]Ibid., 102.

[77]Ibid., 125-26.

[78]Ibid., 102.

[79]Ibid., 121.

[80]Turnbull, 99.

[81]See note 63.

Then said Jesus to them again, Peace be unto you: as My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you. And when He had said this, He breathed on them, and saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost, Whose soever sins ye remit, there are remitted unto them; and whose soever sine ye retain, they are retained.’ —  John 20:21-23

The day of the Resurrection had been full of strange rumors and of growing excitement.  As evening fell, some of the disciples, at any rate, gathered together, probably in the upper room.  They were brave, for in spite of the Jews they dared to assemble; they were timid, for they barred themselves in ‘for fear of the Jews.’  No doubt in little groups they were eagerly discussing what had happened that day.  Fuel was added to the fire by the return of the two from Emmaus.  And then, at once, the buzz of conversation ceased, for ‘He Himself, with His human air,’ stood there in the midst, with the quiet greeting on His lips, which might have come from any casual stranger and minimized the separation that was now ending: ‘Peace be unto you!’ which remarkably supplement each other.  They deal with two different parts of it.

John begins where Luke ends.  The latter Evangelist dwells mainly on the disciples’ fears that it was some ghostly appearance that they saw and on the removal of these by the sight and perhaps the touch of the hands and the feet.  John says nothing of the terror, but Luke’s account explains John’s statement that ‘He showed them His hands and His side,’ and that, ‘Then were the disciples glad,’ the joy expelling the fear.  Luke’s account also, by dwelling on the first part of the interview, explains what else is unexplained in John’s narrative, viz. the repetition of the salutation, ‘Peace be unto you!’  Our Lord thereby marked off the previous portion of the conversation as being separate and a whole in itself.  Their doubts were dissipated and now something else was to begin.  They who were sure of the risen Lord and had had communion with Him were capable of receiving a deeper peace, and so ‘Jesus said to them again, Peace be unto you!’ and thereby inaugurated the second part of the interview.

Luke’s account also helps us in another and very important way.  John simply says that ‘the disciples were gathered together,’ and that might mean the Eleven only.  Luke is more specific, and tells us what is of prime importance for understanding the whole incident, that ‘the Eleven… and they that were with them’ were assembled.  This interview, the crown of the appearances on Easter Day, is marked as being an interview with the assembled body of disciples whom the Lord, having scattered their doubts and laid the deep benediction of His peace upon their hearts, then goes on to invest with a sacred mission, ‘As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you;’ to equip them with the needed power, ‘Receive ye the Holy Ghost;’ and to unfold to them the solemn issues of their work, ‘Whose sins ye remit they are remitted; and whose sins ye retain they are retained.’  The message of that Easter evening is for us all; and so I ask you to look at these three points.

I. The Christian Mission.

I have already said that the clear understanding of the persons to whom the words were spoken goes far to interpret the significance of the words.  Here we have at the very beginning, the great thought that every Christian man and woman is sent by Jesus.  The possession of what preceded this charge is the thing, and the only thing, that fits a man to receive it, and whoever possesses these is thereby dispatched into the world as being Christ’s envoy and representative.  And what are these preceding experiences?  The vision of the risen Christ, the touch of His hands, the peace that He breathed over believing souls, the gladness that sprang like a sunny fountain in the hearts that had been so dry and dark.  Those things constituted the disciples’ qualification for being sent and these things were themselves — even apart from the Master’s words — their sending out on their future life’s-work.  Thus, whoever — and thank God I am addressing many who come under the category! — whoever has seen the Lord has been in touch with Him, and has felt his heart filled with gladness is the recipient of this great commission.  There is no question here of the prerogative of a class, nor of the functions of an order; it is a question of the universal aspect of the Christian life in its relation to the Master who sends and the world into which it is sent.

We Nonconformists pride ourselves upon our freedom from what we call ‘sacerdotalism.’  Ay! and we Nonconformists are quite willing to assert our priesthood in opposition to the claims of a class and are as willing to forget it, should the question of the duties of the priest come into view. You do not believe in priests, but a great many of you believe that it is ministers that are ‘sent,’ and that you have no charge.  Officialism is the dry-rot of all the Churches and is found as rampant amongst democratic.  Nonconformists as amongst the more hierarchical communities.  Brethren! you are included in Christ’s words of sending on this errand, if you are included in this greeting of ‘Peace be unto you!’ ‘I send,’ not the clerical order, not the priest, but ‘you,’ because you have seen the Lord and been glad and heard the low whisper of His benediction creeping into your hearts.

Mark, too, how our Lord reveals much of Himself, as well as of our position when He thus speaks.  For He assumes here the royal tone and claims to possess as absolute authority over the lives and work of all Christian people as the Father exercised when He sent the Son.  But we must further ask ourselves the question, what is the parallel that our Lord here draws, not only between His action in sending us and the Father’s action in sending Him, but also between the attitude of the Son who was sent and of the disciples whom He sends?  And the answer is this — the work of Jesus Christ is continued by, prolonged in, and carried on henceforward through, the work that He lays upon His servants.  Mark the exact expression that our Lord here uses. ‘As My Father hath sent,’ that is a past action, continuing its consequences in the present.  It is not ‘as My Father did send once,’ but as ‘My Father hath sent,’ which means ‘is also at present sending,’ and continues to send.  Which being translated into less technical phraseology is just this, that we here have our Lord presenting to us the thought that, though in a new form, His work continues during the ages and is now being wrought through His servants.  What He does by another, He does by Himself.  We Christian men and women do not understand our function in the world unless we have realized this: ‘Now, then, we are ambassadors for Christ,’ and His interests and His work are entrusted to our hands.

How shall the servants continue and carry on the work of the Master?  The chief way to do it is by proclaiming everywhere that finished work on which the world’s hopes depend.  But note, — ‘as My Father hath sent Me, so send I you,’ — then we are not only to carry on His work in the world, but if one might venture to say so, we are to reproduce His attitude towards God and the world.  He was sent to be ‘the Light of the world;’ and so are we.  He was sent to ‘seek and to save that which was lost;’ so are we.  He was sent not to do His own will, but the will of the Father that sent Him; so are we.  He took upon Himself with all cheerfulness the office to which He was appointed, and said, ‘My meat is to do the will of Him that sent Me, and to finish His work’; and that must be our voice too.  He was sent to pity, to look upon the multitudes with compassion, to carry to them the healing of His touch, and the sympathy of His heart; so must we.

We are the representatives of Jesus Christ, and if I might dare to use such a phrase, He is to be incarnated again in the hearts, and manifested again in the lives of His servants.  Many weak eyes that would be dazzled and hurt if they were to gaze on the sun, may look at the clouds cradled by its side and dyed with its luster and learn something of the radiance and the glory of the illuminating light from the illuminated vapor.  And thus, ‘as My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you.’  Now let us turn to

II. The Christian Equipment.

‘He breathed on them, and said, Receive ye the Holy Ghost!’  The symbolical action reminds us of the Creation story, when into the nostrils was breathed ‘the breath of life, and man became a living soul.’  The symbol is but a symbol, but what it teaches us is that every Christian man who has passed through the experiences which make him Christ’s envoy receives the equipment of a new life and that that life is the gift of the risen Lord.  This Prometheus came from the dead with the spark of life guarded in His pierced hands, and He bestowed it upon us; for the Spirit of life, which is the Spirit of Christ, is granted to all Christian men.  Dear brethren! we have not lived up to the realities of our Christian confession, unless into our death has come, and there abides, this life derived from Jesus Himself, the communication of which goes along with all faith in Him.

But the gift which Jesus brought to that group of timid disciples in the upper room did not make superfluous the further gift on the day of Pentecost.  The communication of the divine Spirit to men runs parallel with, depends on, and follows, the revelation of divine truth, so the ascended Lord gave more of that life to the disciples, who had been made capable of more of it by the fact of beholding His ascension, than the risen Lord could give on that Easter Day.  But whilst thus there are measures and degrees, the life is given to every believer in correspondence with the clearness and the contents of his faith.

It is the power that will fit any of us for the work for which we are sent into the world.  If we are here to represent Jesus Christ, and if it is true of us that ‘as He is, so are we, in this world,’ that likeness can only come about by our receiving into our spirits a kindred life which will effloresce and manifest itself to men in kindred beauty of foliage and of fruit.  If we are to be ‘the lights of the world,’ our lamps must be fed with oil.  If we are to be Christ’s representatives, we must have Christ’s life in us.  Here, too, is the only source of strength and life to us Christian people, when we look at the difficulties of our task and measure our own feebleness against the work that lies before us.  I suppose no man has ever tried honestly to be what Christ wished him to be amidst his fellows, whether as preacher or teacher or guide in any fashion, who has not hundreds of times clasped his hands in all but despair, and said, ‘Who is sufficient for these things?’  That is the temper into which the power will come.  The rivers run in the valleys and it is the lowly sense of our own unfitness for the task which yet presses upon us and imperatively demands to be done, that makes us capable of receiving that divine gift.

It is for lack of it that so much of so-called ‘Christian effort’ comes to nothing.  The priests may pile the wood upon the altar and compass it all day long with vain cries and nothing happens.  It is not till the fire comes down from heaven that sacrifice and altar and wood and water in the trench, are licked up and converted into fiery light.  So, dear brethren! it is because the Christian Church as a whole, and we as individual members of it, so imperfectly realize the ABC of our faith, our absolute dependence on the inbreathed life of Jesus Christ, to fit us for any of our work, that so much of our work is ploughing the sands, and so often we labor for vanity and spend our strength for nought.  What is the use of a mill full of spindles and looms until the fire-born impulse comes rushing through the pipes? Then they begin to move.

Let me remind you, too, that the words which our Lord here employs about these great gifts, when accurately examined, do lead us to the thought that we, even we, are not altogether passive in the reception of that gift.  For the expression, ‘Receive ye the Holy Ghost’ might, with more completeness of signification, be rendered, ‘take ye the Holy Ghost.’  True, the outstretched hand is nothing, unless the giving hand is stretched out too.  True, the open palm and the clutching fingers remain empty, unless the open palm above drops the gift.  But also true, things in the spiritual realm that are given have to be asked for, because asking opens the heart for their entrance.  True, that gift was given once for all, and continuously, but the appropriation and the continual possession of it largely depend upon ourselves.  There must be desire before there can be possession.  If a man does not take his pitcher to the fountain the pitcher remains empty, though the fountain never ceases to spring. There must be taking by patient waiting.  The old Friends had a lovely phrase when they spoke about ‘waiting for the springing of the life.’  If we hold out a tremulous hand and our cup is not kept steady, the falling water will not enter it and much will be spilt upon the ground.  Wait on the Lord and the life will rise like a tide in the heart.  There must be a taking by the faithful use of what we possess.  ‘To him that hath shall be given.’  There must be a taking by careful avoidance of what would hinder.  In the winter weather, the water supply sometimes fails in a house.  Why? Because there is a plug of ice in the service-pipe.  Some of us have a plug of ice and so the water has not come. ‘Take the Holy Spirit!’  Now, lastly, we have here

III. The Christian power over sin.

I am not going to enter upon controversy.  The words which close our Lord’s great charge here have been much misunderstood by being restricted.  It is eminently necessary to remember here that they were spoken to the whole community of Christian souls.  The harm that has been done by their restriction to the so-called priestly function of absolution has been, not only the monstrous claims which have been thereon founded, but quite as much the obscuration of the large effects that follow from the Christian discharge by all believers of the office of representing Jesus Christ.

We must interpret these words in harmony with the two preceding points, the Christian mission and the Christian equipment.  So interpreted, they lead us to a very plain thought which I may put thus.  This same Apostle tells us in his letter that ‘Jesus Christ was manifested to take away sin.’  His work in this world, which we are to continue, was ‘to put away sin by the sacrifice of Himself.’  We continue that work when, as we have all, if Christians, the right to do — we lift up our voices with triumphant confidence and call upon our brethren to ‘behold the Lamb of God which taketh away the sin of the world!’  The proclamation has a twofold effect, according as it is received or rejected; to him who receives it his sins melt away, and the preacher of forgiveness through Christ has the right to say to his brother, ‘Thy sins are forgiven because thou believest on Him.’  The rejecter or the neglecter binds his sin upon himself by his rejection or neglect.  The same message is, as the Apostle puts it, ‘a savor of life unto life, or of death unto death.’  These words are the best commentary on this part of my text.  The same heat, as the old Fathers used to say, ‘softens wax’ and hardens clay.’ The message of the word will either couch a blind eye and let in the light, or draw another film of obscuration over the visual orb.

And so, Christian men and women have to feel that to them is entrusted a solemn message, that they walk in the world charged with a mighty power, that by the preaching of the Word, and by their own utterance of the forgiving mercy of the Lord Jesus, they may ‘remit’ or ‘retain’ not only the punishment of sin, but sin itself.  How tender, how diligent, how reverent, how — not bowed down, but — erect under the weight of our obligations, we should be, if we realized that solemn thought!

Question 28.  Wherein consists Christ’s Exaltation?

Answer. Christ’s Exaltation consists in his rising again from the dead on the third day, in ascending up to heaven, and in sitting at the right hand of God the Father, and in coming to judge the world at the last day.

[This is the second of a five sermon series on this question from the Westminster Shorter Catechism.]

Leaving the general consideration of Christ’s Exaltation, we will continue with a more detailed account.  There are several steps to his Exaltation which may be summarised under two heads: either those degrees of triumph to which he is exalted already, or the manifestation of it which is reserved for the Day of Judgement.  God has already highly lifted him up, but he will yet make his glory known more conspicuously at the end of the world.  The saints in heaven see his face in glory and are happy in that sight.  Believers on earth see him with an eye of faith and rejoice in it, “Whom having not seen you love.  Though now you do not see him, yet believing, you rejoice with joy inexpressible and full of glory” (1 Pet. 1:8).  At that time, his enemies also will see him.  They had seen him dead and buried.  That was the last sight they had of him: but they must see him glorified to their eternal confusion, “Behold, He is coming with clouds, and every eye will see Him, even they who pierced Him.  And all the tribes of the earth will mourn because of Him.  Even so, Amen” (Rev. 1:7).

Let us consider the glorification which Christ has received already.  It consists in two things: his resurrection from death and his taking possession of the kingdom of glory.  We will begin with his resurrection because it was the first step of his glorification, after he had humbled himself in death.  This article is a main pillar of the Christian faith and we need to be well established on it.  As the apostles were appointed to be witnesses of the resurrection of Christ (Acts 1:22), so they preached it clearly in everyplace they came.  We may take a brief account of it under several heads.

I. The precise nature of Christ’s resurrection consists of two things: there is something internal, the reunion of his soul and body, and external, his coming out of the grave after that reunion.  Both of these are implied by the words used in the New Testament to express resurrection. The word used in Matt. 28:6, egeirw, signifies both to wake out of sleep and to rise out of bed.  When Christ’s soul came into his body, he awakened, and when he left his sepulchre, then he left his bed.  Resurrection is also expressed by anastasiV, which signifies rising from a fall and standing up again.  Christ fell down into the dust when he died, and stood up again when he arose.  The first of these was properly his resurrection, and the second the manifestation of it.

II. The subject of this resurrection may be considered in two categories.

1. The precise subject of the resurrection was the whole human nature of Christ. Christ is said to die and to rise again, 1 Cor. 15:14- 15. It is attributed to his person in respect to his human nature because his divine nature is not in itself capable of either Humiliation or Exaltation.  The resurrection may be attributed to his whole human nature in as much as both his soul and body were sharers in it.  His entire humanity fell by death in some sense, and his soul therefore arose by a deliverance from the state of separation and its reunion, and his body arose by a restoration to life and being brought out of the grave.

2. The resurrection is ascribed to his body, his soul, and his person in various regards, as:

It was his body that was most strictly raised.  That only fell down; while his soul went upward to paradise, Luke 23:43, “Today you will be with me in paradise.”  Only his body lay in the grave, his soul ascended to heaven.  Only his body was completely deprived of its working for his soul as it departed was actively happy in the presence of God.

1. Now, regarding his body:

a. It was the same body that fell which was raised again.  Matt. 28:5-6 “But the angel answered and said to the women, “Do not be afraid, for I know that you seek Jesus who was crucified. He is not here; for he is risen, as he said.  Come, see the place where the Lord lay.”  He did not take upon himself another body to be exalted in, but the same in which he was humbled.

b. His rational soul came from heaven into the sepulchre, where his body lay, and was there reunited with it. Psa. 16:10 “For you will not leave my soul in Sheol.”  This must be understood as the state of separation.

c. His vital spirits, which had been dissipated by death, were again restored and helped to knit his soul and body together. For this reason he is said to be alive again, Rom. 14:9 “For to this end Christ died and rose and lived again, that He might be Lord of both the dead and the living.”

d. His senses were also restored to his body. His organs of sensation had been deprived of their power by his death and had been useless, but now his eyes and ears and other organs of sensation received their power of operation.  Thus they were prepared to serve his rational soul according to their natural use, and were evident proof of his being alive again, Acts 1:3.

e. The prison doors were opened and he came out of his grave. His body was raised a glorious body, Phil. 3:21, 1 Cor. 15:43.  However, the glorious splendour of his body was veiled for a time as he thought it appropriate.  This was for a few days while he abode with his disciples before his ascension so that they might be able to have communion with him.

2. Regarding his soul, while it may not be quite correct to say that it arose, nevertheless a resurrection is connected with it.

a. It was reunited with his body after separation. Otherwise his body would not have arisen.  Its death was affected by that separation and therefore its resurrection required such a reunion.

b. In this way, it was delivered from that separation which was contrary to its natural inclination and was made again to enjoy the desired company of the body.  A separated soul, being only a part of the man, is not at rest until it is restored to the other part for which it was made, and so undergoes a sort of death while separate.

c. It came out of the sepulchre with and in his body, and so it joined with it in the second part of his resurrection. It was for this cause that his body was enabled to come forth which before was lifeless

d. It now enjoyed its previous freedom of exercising its operations upon and in his glorious body. It had again the use of all his senses and members which had been for a while suspended.

e. Both together took possession of the glory which he had merited with both in his humiliation, Psa. 16:9-11.  His mediatorial glory was not completed until he was thus raised.

3. Regarding his person, it is certain that he who arose was Christ, the second Person of the Trinity.  As it was mentioned before, the divine nature of Christ, being unchangeable, could neither die nor rise.  Nevertheless the declarative glory of his divine nature which was obscured in the days of his flesh began to radiate out and shine forth clearly in his resurrection.  Therefore, Christ is “…declared to be the Son of God with power according to the Spirit of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead,” Rom. 1:4.  In this regard, it was a declarative begetting of Christ, Acts 13:33, “God has fulfilled this for us their children, in that he has raised up Jesus, as it is also written in the second Psalm: ‘You are my Son, today I have begotten You.’”  Christ as mediator was now glorified to fulfil the promise made to him in the Covenant of Redemption.

III. Christ really did rise again. The Scripture gives abundant testimony to this.  Because it is a matter of historical fact, the historical witness alone should be a sufficient reason for faith to accept it; although there are also persuasive arguments to accept it, such as:

1. There is the testimony of the two glorious angels for the resurrection, Matt. 28:5-6 and Luke 24:45-46.

2. The testimony of the women that went to the sepulchre where they saw him and spoke with him, Matt. 28:9.

3. The various appearances which he made to his disciples.  Before his ascension, he was seen by at least five hundred persons who had his resurrection confirmed by many tangible and convincing proofs, 1 Cor. 15:5-8.

4. In particular, there is the testimony of the Apostles, who because they were to be bearers of this truth, and witnesses to the world, had frequent communion with him at times, for forty days after he had risen, Acts 1:3, during which time they “looked upon and handled” the “Word of life,” 1 John 1:1-2.  Therefore, Luke 24:39-40, “Behold my hands and my feet, that it is I myself.  Handle me and see, for a spirit does not have flesh and bones as you see I have.  When He had said this, He showed them His hands and His feet.”  “Then He said to Thomas, ‘Reach your finger here, and look at My hands; and reach your hand here, and put it into My side.  Do not be unbelieving, but believing,’” John 20:27.

5. Indeed the very nature of the thing declares that he must be risen. If he was the Son of God and by his death satisfied for sin, and answered all the demands of justice in the place of his redeemed, it was impossible that the grave could hold him. Therefore when he had lain in it long enough to confirm the reality of his being dead, there was no reason for his lying there any longer. Thus the Scripture argues, “God raised [him] up, having loosed the pains of death, because it was not possible that he should be held by it,” Acts 2:24.

IV. If it should be demanded, by what power did he arise, or who was the causative agent of his resurrection? It may be replied, that it was not any other outside power, but he himself was the author of his own rising from the dead.  This he clearly prophesied beforehand, John 2:19 and 10:17-18.  It is true that this work is ascribed to the Father, Acts 2:24.  The Creditor now fully satisfied in the discharge of the debt which his Son determined to pay, sent his angel as an officer to discharge him with glorious pomp and majesty.  This work is also attributed to the Spirit, Rom. 8:11, because he was raised by a glorious and almighty power.  This power did not manifest itself so much in the raising of his body from the grave (though nothing but omnipotent power could do that), as in releasing the chains of the second death which were upon him in his state of humiliation, and in discharging him from the sentence of the Law, by which he was condemned to die as our surety and representative.

Indeed this work, being a divine work, belongs to the Deity and consequently to the Trinity.  Yet Christ attributes this work to himself because his divine nature exerted itself mightily in his resurrection.  As it was by a voluntary act that he laid down his life, and no one else could have taken it from him, so by an act of his mighty power he took it up again.  Death himself could not stand against him, and he became a conqueror over it.  In his own person, Christ fulfilled the prophecy, Hosea 13:14 “I will ransom them from the power of the grave; I will redeem them from death.  O Death, I will be your plagues!  O Grave, I will be your destruction!  Pity is hidden from my eyes.”  The angels who were present at the resurrection were not the instruments of it, but only waited on their Lord and honoured him in this phase of his Exaltation.

V. Christ’s resurrection was on the third day after his death and burial, Luke 24:7.  This was foretold by Christ himself, John 2:19.  “And be raised the third day,” Matt. 16:21. In this regard he claimed that Jonah was a type of himself, Matt. 12:39-40.  He continued three days in a state of death, in order that there would be no question about his being truly dead.  It was no longer in order that his disciples would not faint in their spirits and be discouraged by the corruption of his body, because it was foretold that it would not see corruption, Psa. 16:10.  It is true, that he did not lay in the grave three whole days, but it was for some part of three successive days.  He was buried on the sixth day (Friday) before sunset, and he lay in the grave the entire seventh day (Saturday) and the night of the first day (Sunday), considering the day to begin with the sunset.

VI. It was required that Christ should rise from the dead. Just as he had to die, he had to rise and live.  This was necessary for several reasons:

1. He rose again to prove and declare that he was the Son of God, Rom. 1:4.  During his Humiliation and particularly in his death, Christ’s divinity was obscured under a veil of the many infirmities of his humanity, but in his resurrection he proved his eternal power and Godhead.  Indeed it is true that others were raised, and indeed shortly all shall rise; therefore merely to be raised from the dead is not proof of the divinity of the one raised.  Yet, for someone to raise himself by his own power, that is sufficient proof of divinity. He gave evidence of divinity by raising others in his name, but he was required to raise himself by his own power to prove himself God.

There was a further proof of his divinity in the resurrection in that he died according to the Law and justice of God, sentenced as our Surety to suffer the whole weight of the wrath of God.  For him to be released from this sentence, after he had been born for that very purpose, and to live again having fulfilled all the demands of justice upon him, proves him to be God.  The weight of wrath that he bore would have broken the whole of creation and they would never have been released.

2. In this way he attested to his perfect victory over death and our spiritual enemies. It was not enough that Christ should die for us.  In dying, he must be a conqueror; otherwise his death would not profit us.  Indeed, he suffered in order that he might overcome, Heb. 2:14, “That through death He might destroy him who had the power of death, that is, the devil.”  This was shown and proven by his resurrection.  This is the reason why Paul after he had demonstrated by many arguments that Christ was risen and then shown what was the glorious cause of it, concluded the passage with a note of triumph, 1 Cor. 15:57, “But thanks be to God, who gives us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ.”  It is true that Christ conquered all on his cross: there the battle was fought and there the victory was gained.  But that victory was made into a triumph in his resurrection.  Now his enemies fled, quitting the field. Psa. 68:1, “Let God arise, let his enemies be scattered; let those also who hate him flee before him.”  He made a conquest of death itself and it lay dead at his feet.  Christ would never be known as a conqueror except for this.  If death had held him as her captive, where would his victory be?

3. He rose for our justification. “Who was delivered up because of our offences, and was raised because of our justification,” Rom. 4:25.  As he died to pay our debt, so he rose again to acquit or absolve us from it.  Christ’s resurrection was both his and our discharge: his, when he stood as our surety bond for us, and ours, as those for whom he was Surety.  As Christ by dying was made virtually, so by rising he becomes actually the object of our justifying faith.

He became a sufficient object of faith not merely by undertaking to appear in our place, but by actually making an end of the transgressions on our account and paying our whole debt.  If he had not made satisfaction for us, we could not in justice have been pardoned.  If he had not fully reconciled us to God and completely answered the Law’s demands, we could not have been saved.  Therefore if he had continued on in death, it would have shown the continuing need for payment; which would have revealed its imperfection and consequently its invalidity.  Christ could not rise until justice acquitted him.  His bond was submitted for our cause and it must be accepted by the Judge and that only by a full payment of the bond.  When he arose, this bond was returned to him, and cancelled.  Our debt is paid; our bond is returned.  Therefore his resurrection stands in opposition to all that could be laid to our charge, Rom. 8:34.  Therefore this is one of the arguments that the Apostle uses to prove that Christ must be risen, “And if Christ is not risen, your faith is futile; you are still in your sins!” 1 Cor. 15:17.

4. It was to put Christ into a proper condition for the completing of the work remaining in the execution of his offices. We observed in a [another] sermon that Christ executes his offices in both states of Humiliation and Exaltation.  As our Priest, here he was to satisfy justice for us and afterwards to intercede for us, Heb. 7:25.  As our Prophet, here he taught with his mouth, but there he sent forth his Spirit and therefore he had to go to the Father, John 16:17.  As our King, here he commanded his disciples and gave them laws, but he must also govern them by his power and wield the sceptre over the world.  This was accomplished by his resurrection, Psa. 2:6 and following, cf. Acts 13:33.  Indeed, there was the glory of a mediator promised to him as a reward for his obedience, and it was necessary for him to rise in order to take possession of it, Luke 24:26, “Ought not the Christ to have suffered these things and to enter into His glory?”

5. It was necessary for him to rise, so he would be the first fruits of our resurrection, both spiritually and bodily. See 1 Cor. 15:20-23.  By first fruits, we are not to understand first in order of time, but in order of causation.  Those who rose at Christ’s death, as described in the Gospel, Matt. 27:52-53, rose by the power and influence of his resurrection.  Furthermore it is a sure pledge of the resurrection of his members.  When the first fruits were offered to God under the Law, he accepted them and gave his people an assurance of the harvest.  The Apostle makes the same point in 1 Cor. 15 using the order of the covenants.  Just as Adam in the first covenant, standing for us, procured death for us, so Christ in the new covenant, being our Surety, has purchased a resurrection for us.  His resurrection is the earnest of ours, 1 Cor. 15:20.

To summarise, Christ as God is the efficient cause: Christ as our substitute satisfying for our sins is the meritorious cause: Christ rising from the dead is the continuing cause of our resurrection. “A little while longer and the world will see me no more, but you will see me. Because I live, you will live also,” John 14:19.

APPLICATION 1. Learn from this, that it is the concern of all those who desire a joyful, triumphant resurrection at last to get and secure a claim to Christ’s resurrection.  There will be a general rising again of all who die, both just and unjust, but no one will rise in glory except those who are under the saving power of the resurrection of Christ.

Others shall rise only to receive an everlasting second fall into the bottomless pit of never-ending miseries.  As long as men are out of Christ, thoughts of the resurrection may well be full of dread, for it is that which truly makes death to be a reason for terror.  If death were to put an end to the being of men, it would not have such fearfulness in it, as it does when one considers that after death comes a dreadful judgement and then a resurrection to condemnation.

To think that I must be restored to an incorruptible state for the purpose of being prepared to suffer eternal torments and lie in everlasting burning is a most confounding thought.  Is it enough to cause us to seriously enquire how may we escape this doom and be happy at the last day?  The solution is, let us get the power of Christ’s resurrection applied to us, first to raise us up from sin, which is done in this life, and then to raise us up to glory, which will be at the last day.  The second depends upon the first.  Let us make sure, then, that he rose for our justification by being in him by faith, and so we shall be both justified and glorified by him at that day.

APPLICATION 2. Let us labor to get our faith strengthened and established by rightly meditating on the resurrection of Christ. Let this satisfy us, that Christ has made a complete redemption, as the Apostle argues, Heb. 7:25. Justice had him in its hands, it put him to death, but it has released him. A risen Surety must be a sufficient Saviour: there can no longer be any reason to question whether the justice of God is satisfied. Let this encourage us to go to Christ to finish all that is lacking in our being prepared for eternal life. Remember, he is exalted for this very purpose, to complete what he began in his earthly life and death.

APPLICATION 3. Let the consideration of our interest in his resurrection help us to triumph over death and the grave. Christ is risen and gone to heaven: he is our forerunner to take possession in our name and make ready our accommodations.  Let us cheerfully follow him, rejoicing in the hope of a happy rising, and being with him forever.

[Preached June 8, 1697]